Lokoja And The Migration Of Nigeria’s Capital Cities: An Exploratory Study....... IT must be admitted, however, that Lagos continued to have an informal dominating influence on the development of Nigeria. For example, all the Christian missions which had settled in Badagry and Abeokuta began to move their headquarters to Lagos. It was in Lagos that the first secondary school was founded in 1859, and it was in Lagos that the Methodist, the Roman Catholic and the Baptist Missions founded their first secondary schools in Nigeria. In Northern Nigeria, the fate of the development of a capital city was in the hands of two imperial agents, Sir George Goldie and Sir Frederick Lugard. Much of literature on the making of modern Nigeria has either been in admiration or condemnation of the two Britons. There has however been a general recognition of the decisive role, which they played in the emergence of Nigeria as one country. Thus while John Flint the historian describes Goldie as the maker of modern Nigeria, E.D. Morel, the editor of the African Mail, reacted to the news of the return of Lugard to Nigeria to complete the amalgamation of the country as a “momentous decision” and described Lugard as ‘the maker of Northern Nigeria returning to complete his work’. Goldie had been recruited to assist on the promotion of trading on the Niger River, which had become increasingly important as from 1869. Goldie recruited Lugard under clear terms of reference spelt out in the letter of July 2, 1894 addressed to Lugard, in which he was to be subordinate to the decisions of the Royal Niger Company. It was Goldie that had been charmed by Lokoja, which he described as “a natural gift of the rivers”. As a British correspondent observed at the time, “after absorbing the Kaduna and other important tributaries, the Niger meets at Lokoja its great confluence, the Binue or Chadda”. Goldie had made Lokoja his military capital during the scramble and occupation of Nigeria. His company had proceeded to establish a British Consul in the city. By 1884, there were already reports about the British occupation of Lokoja and the establishment of the British Consul there with his “influence and authority stretched both up and down the river, and where the British flag flies.” Lokoja was being established as “the Imperial camp on the Niger” and also as the administrative centre for Reuter’s correspondent who furnished regular reports on developments in what later became Nigeria. Lokoja was described as “a Camp”. Thus, in a publication in The Times on Saturday February 12, 1898, Lokoja was given considerable attention. The writer described Lokoja as “a town with at least 100,000 inhabitants”. He also observes “The inhabitants are Nupes and have a King as well as a number of chiefs. They are fine active people, are skilled in the making of leather articles, and also of spears”. The writer is excited with Lokoja, saying that from there “high hills are observable”, and “there is plenty of games in the district, chiefly leopard and antelope”. The 1898 report observes, “There are magnificent trees at Lokoja and plenty of grass, although the latter is of rather a scarce kind”. Most of the major events had taken place at Lokoja. And the south or the north of Lokoja designated descriptions of places. A Christian missionary had explained in 1895 that he installed his camp “at Lokoja, opposite the mouth of the Binue, so as to watch the rise of that River.” Lugard had also fallen in love with the Hausa language, which he explained was “already recognised as the nearest approach to a lingua franca in all districts away from the coast.” In a letter written to the Editor of The Times in July 1884, and published on Tuesday, September 30, 1884, a writer who chose to sign in as ‘a negro’ from Lokoja, Upper Niger, West Africa, pleaded passionately for the establishment of British rule in Nigeria. He suggested that Lokoja be retained as “the chief town on this strip of land, where the representative of Her Majesty’s Government used to be stationed”. The writer regretted that Lokoja had been moved as British capital city “for some years past, to the disadvantage of British influence and name.” “The Camp At Lokoja” was divided into two: “the native town” and “the quarters of the European officers”. The report states that not far from the European quarters, “fine barracks are erected on the plain… and about 300 troops are generally stationed there”. Reuter’s reporter adds that “The Church Missionary Society have a mission station situated on the hills above the town.” Lokoja was a model of a city of peace where Christian and Muslim population lived in peace and were sensitive to the differences in the religious practices and doctrines. The A report on Ecclesiastical Intelligence in 1892 stated that as to the mode of life, the missionaries would endeavour in every way to share with the people the difficulties and trials of their Mohammedan environment. Lokoja was also ideal for habitation. The 1898 report had concluded that as compared with other places on the Niger, Lokoja is a very healthy place. The crucial role of Lokoja was perhaps demonstrated by reports of traffic to the city. For example, The Times reports in its edition of January 8, 1897 that Sir Goldie left England on December 4 and reached Lokoja, the military capital of the Company on New Year’s Day. It is also important to note that it was at Lokoja on the Niger that the Union Jack replaced the Niger Company’s flag on January 1, 1900. The report for the day was of great significance for Lokoja: “It is morning, and men have gathered around the flagstaff at the barracks. Most of them uniformed Africans of the Niger Company’s constabulary or of the Frontier Force, with a sprinkling of British officers in full dress uniform, among them Frederick Lugard. The Niger Company’s flag, with its devise of the three-legged Manx emblem, each foot bearing a word of the motto, Ars, Jus, Pax, is hauled down; the Union Jack slowly rises in its stead. The African military band strikes up ‘God save the Queen’ and the men cheer. So passed away the Royal Niger Company, Chartered and Limited.” The report, sent on January 1, 1900, from the Reuter’s agency based in Lokoja, carried by The Times had the exciting news: “An impressive military ceremonial took place here today, when Colonel Lugard formally assumed the office of High Commissioner for Upper Nigeria. The Queen’s proclamation was read, and great enthusiasm prevailed.” Lokoja was in festive mood. The troops stationed at the garrison there, which consisted of one battalion of infantry, one company of engineers, and none battery of artillery of the West African Frontier force, and one battalion and a battery of the Niger Company’s constabulary … were in position at 7am.” In spite of the charm and status of Lokoja, Lugard had moved his headquarters from Lokoja to Jebba in 1898, two years before the revocation of the Charter of the Royal Niger Company. It is possible that the railway facility in Jebba was an advantage for the town as the railway promoted ease of travel across the country. The railway transportation was also of special significance because it facilitated communication and more efficient postal services. In his letter to the editor of The Times in London, one Frederic Shelford had pointed out that Jebba was worthy of celebration. As he put it: At Jebba all future visitors to Nigeria will be at the doors and windows of the railway carriages to see the mighty Niger and the great bridges now in course of construction… Every traveller would be compelled to ask ‘What is that?’ and would be reminded that near this spot Mungo Park died and Richard Lander started upon his historic voyage to the sea.” In his Confidential Report of 1913 to the Secretary of State, Lugard reported “Jebba had been selected by me in 1898 purely as a strategic military camp during the crisis with France”. In his address to the Royal Geographical Society in London on November 4, 1903 Lugard complained that Jebba “had not proved healthy.” But Lugard was still to extend the scope of his search for his capital cities. For by 1902 he had designated Zungeru as his new capital. As he explains: “Zungeru was the most central place to which it was at that time possible (by the Kaduna river and a 22-mile light line) to gain access. But again, Lugard believed that although Zungeru “has served its purpose well, and has proved healthy. ...it is excessively hot, owing to the large amount of surface rock in the vicinity, which also precludes the laying-out of gardens and avenues that do so much to add to the amenities of a tropical station.” But Lugard had even more compelling reasons for his decision to move the capital out of Zungeru: “The temporary wooden bungalows – the materials for which, even before erection, had been much damaged by exposure – are now worn out.” Lugard then quoted the Senior Sanitary officer who described the houses “as dilapidated, verminous and so bat-infested as to be very unhealthy.” In the end, Lugard decided to ‘create’ an entirely different capital city for Northern Nigeria. And he was guided by some specific considerations of access and weather. But before he moved further, he had set up a committee to advise him of an appropriate location. He thus submitted his proposal to the Colonial Office for approval. As he reported in his Confidential Proposals of 1913:“The obvious place is where the railway again crosses the Kaduna (River), affording an abundant water supply on the main artery of communication” He added that in his opinion, an excellent site had been found: “It is central to the whole of Nigeria, at an altitude of 2,000 feet, with a climate incomparably superior to Zungeru and the Niger and lower Kaduna valleys”. He further listed other important factors which he considered before reaching his decision of the choice of the capital, arguing that officers could bring their wives there with every hope that they would retain their health; the soil is good, and gardens for both flowers and vegetables can be made, and it is within 50 miles of the great trade centre of Zaria- and ideal distance. Lugard got Captain Abadie to map “the almost unknown site” and he expressed his eagerness “to erect the houses for the civil staff without delay.” When the British Government pleaded with Lugard to return to Nigeria in 1912 from Hong Kong for the purpose of amalgamating the Northern and Southern parts of the country, the Government literarily gave the very seasoned, aggressive and very hard working, master strategist, empire builder blank cheque to do whatever he wanted with the country. He had a track record of gallantry, determination and courage. His country to which he was also unwaveringly loyal and dedicated also trusted him. As Lord Harcourt, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, informed the House of Commons when presenting the report prepared by Lugard on the proposed amalgamation: “I have been able, greatly to the regret of Hong Kong, to induce him (Sir Frederick Lugard) to leave that post and to take up what will shortly become the governorship of the combined Nigeria. Northern Nigeria is in the truest sense the product of his foresight and genius”. Lord Harcourt then added that memorable declaration: “We have released Northern Nigeria from the strings of the Treasury. The promising and well-conducted youth is now on an allowance of his own and is about to effect an alliance with a southern lady of means. I have issued the special licence and Sir Frederick Lugard will perform the ceremony. May the Union be fruitful and the couple constant.” It was within this context of the political decision to release the governance of Nigeria to a trusted empire builder that a capital city was chosen for Nigeria. Working in secret, and the “diktat” of dictatorship UNLIKE the developments in the world’s democracies which seek to promote self-determination in matters affecting their destinies and which respect the rights of the people to influence decisions that affected their destiny, there was no such act in Nigeria under the rules of the chartered companies or under Goldie, Lugard or their successors. For example in the United Kingdom when there was the consideration for the City and the County of London to be amalgamated in 1894, a Royal Commission had been appointed “to consider conditions under which the amalgamation …can be effected and to make specific and practical proposals for that purpose”. On the contrary, in Nigeria, the procedure for taking decisions on critical issues such as the identification of the capital cities, like the bigger issue of amalgamation, was shrouded in secrecy and confidentiality. Thus as far back as May 1905 Sir Frederick Lugard had submitted a memorandum, which he labelled “strictly confidential” to the secretary of State in London. There was no known consultation that had taken place with the indigenous population whose fate was to be decided by the memorandum. C.L.Temple’s proposal, which could be considered more moderate, was marked “confidential minute”; while Lugard’s major recommendations of May 1913 to the Colonial office remained “confidential”. The point is that most things under secret cover either hide ulterior motives of those doing the writing or were patently evil that could have been challenged by a public awareness of the content. The Nigerian Chronicle took Lugard to task on his secret memoranda and submissions. For example the paper challenged Lugard on his return in the UK “without any word being made public of what he had in mind for the future of the country”. The Oxford historian, Kirk-Greene, has observed, “the Nigerian press bristled with indignation. Editorials denounced the secrecy and indecent haste of this eleventh hour statement by Government, evilly and effectively sandwiched between the Christmas and New Year public holidays with all that this meant in the way of nobody being ‘on seat’”. The Nigerian Chronicle, in offering a courteous welcome to Lugard on his return to Nigeria in October 1913, “expressed its regret that nobody had yet been allowed to know what was in store for the country.” The paper also proceeded to complain that because the plans were still hidden away in the confidential files of the Colonial Office, it was difficult “to reassure thinking Nigerians who had been alarmed by the two damaging articles in the German and British press.
Posted on: Wed, 24 Jul 2013 10:24:05 +0000
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