1 1 IPCS Conflict Alert IPCS Conflict Alert An Early Warning Project INSTITUTE OF PEACE & CONFLICT STUDIES IPCS Conflict Alert June 2011 Understanding the Gujjar Pahri Faultline in J&K A Gujjar Perspective Zafar Choudhary Editor, Epilogue IPCS Special Report IPCS Special Report 106 June 2011 June 2011 B 7/3, Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi 110029 91 11 4100 1900 ipcs.org Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies 2 IPCS Conflict Alert IPCS Conflict Alert An Early Warning Project INSTITUTE OF PEACE & CONFLICT STUDIES IPCS Conflict Alert June 2011 Amongst the contemporary interna l conflicts in Jammu and Kashmi r, the political and social clashes between the Gujja r tribe and the Pahari speaking people are perhaps one of most serious challenges to internal peace at the micro level, a nd an emerging impediment to handling the Kashmir issue at large. This conflict between the Gujjars and Paharis, who are themselves a heterogeneous community, transcends all regional boundaries and religious divides within J&K (Jammu and Kashmir) and beyond . Historical literature traces the faultline between the Gujjars and other communities in present day J&K to several decades ago but the diff erences have sharpened followin g the inclusion of the former into Scheduled Tribes list under the constitution of Ind ia. The situation has worsened with a similar demand being made from a large numbe r of ethnic identities and castes drawn from Muslim, Hindu and Sikh groups which co ngregate under an identity of a Pahari speaking co mmunity. However, the clash bet ween the two communities is based around concessions and privileges guarante ed under the provisions of the Scheduled Tribes Act and not necessarily about everythin g. Battle lines between the two comm unities are becoming prominent on a large scale, given the fact that the political part ies extend selective patronage to certain communities against each other for securing easy vote banks. In fact, the p olitical parties and the government of the state have hel ped, overtly or covertly, in es calation of conflict from time to time. There is a hidden tension between the Gujjars and the Paharis who nurse huge contempt for each other. In Rajouri and Poonch districts o f the Jammu province and some parts of Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Badgam district s of the Kashmir province where these communities are predominant, the Gujjar‐Pa hari divide is a major political and social discourse in everyday life and their divid e becomes a dominant factor in all decisions – political and administrative. From selection of candidates for assembly elections, appointment of Ministe rs in the cabinet, nominating office bearers of political parties to posting of government officers at different levels i n the districts, even identifying government projects like schools, dispensaries and road or bridges, it is a major determining factor. Instead of trying to resolve this divide by placing things in a correct perspective the political parties and the govern ment are playing the Gujjar and Pahari cards which further hardens their stand and sharpen s the conflict. Nevertheless, b arring few cases in Poonch and Rajouri, there is no major evidence of armed violence betwe en the two identities only psychological irritations due to social differences, wilful te ndencies of getting at odds with each other leading to land disputes and long drawn police and court cases are common in sight. These are all dangerous signals of an impendin g conflict in J&K which already witnesses a high level of armed conflicts and wh ere arms licences are issued on a daily basis to a an average of average of 100 civilians. While the Gujjar‐Pahari divide offers a huge vote bank dividend to the political parties b ut further deepening of this divide will become unmanageable for the future incumbents. To p revent further escalation one needs to understand who exactly these people are , what are the stakes involved, where can one place them in the larger conflict zone of J&K, what has gone wrong so far and how can th ese things be corrected. Who are the Gujjars? There are varying versions on the origin and history of Gujjars but most historians agree on their Central Asian origin. Wh ile some others believe that t he Gujjars are of Indian origin and inhabited the regions around Mount Abu in western Ra jasthan, Malwa and Gujarat. In J&K, all Gujjars are Muslim and except for a few hu ndred families, they are nomads, semi‐nomads, pastoralists and agro‐pastoralists. Again, with the exception of few hundred families there are no se ttled agriculturist Gujjars in J&K unlike their counterparts in other states like Uttarakhand a nd Himachal Pradesh. Gujjars constitute 88 per cent of the total tribal population in J&K and their projected populati on for 2011 is around one million which is eight per cent of total population of the stat e. In terms of ethnic, cultural and linguistic classification Gu jjars are the third largest ide ntity in the state, after 3 Kashmiri Muslims and Dogra Hindus. Their population is scattere d and they move all across the state except Leh district and their largest concentration is in Poonch distr ict at 40 per cent succeeded by 33.1 per cent in Rajouri. Next in terms of population concentration are the undivided dis tricts of Anantnag in south Kashmir and Doda and Udhampur districts in Jammu province. Interestingly, the Gu jjar‐Pahari faultline is more evident in the districts of Rajouri and Poonch and parts of Baramulla, Kupwara and Badgam. This is due to their historical differences with the Rajputs who are present in large numbers i n this region. Gujjars are economically perhaps the most disadvantaged section of society in J&K. Thei r main activity is buffalo, sheep and goat rearing while some of them are engaged as agricultural workers. Education and employment amongst Gujjars is also in a dismal state. Lack of education is clearly reflect ed in their representation in the government services and despite the provision of reservations under the Sc heduled Tribe Act, Gujjars have not been able to secure jobs proportiona te to their population. From a larger perspective, the inclusion of Gujjars in the lis t of Scheduled Tribes seems to be more of a political statement than a real measure in improving the lot of this community. Incidentally, the Gujjars were declared as STs in April 1991 after a prolonged struggle of the community which began in 1960s and when militancy was at its peak in J&K. Those were the years when adm inistrative machinery had completely collapsed in the Kashmir Valley an d it was getting more and mor e difficult to govern the state. After the decline of militancy in 2002 the benefits under provisions of S cheduled Tribe proved ineffective in alleviating social and economic profiles of t he Gujjars as the specific sch emes complimenting the nomadic lifestyle are yet to be made. However, to some extent the benefits of reservation in jobs and selections for medical and engineering colleges have percola ted to these communities thoug h a lot still remains to be done to actually alleviate their socio‐ economic profile. Gujjars in the Kashmir conflict Gujjars are one of the most prominent stakeholders in the Kashm ir conflict. They are perhaps the only identity among Muslims of J&K whose patriotic and nationalistic credenti als towards India have never come under doubt. There has never been even a single Gujjar associated wit h any of the separatist organisation and very rare cases of any Gujjar participating in militancy have ever c ome to the fore. Complete abnegation is however also faulty as probes reveal that they have either worked as co uriers, under pressure/threat or some kind of allurement. Gujjars have in fact always offered early warning s ignals to the security forces in taking on militants and have suffered on this accord enormously. There ha ve been cases where entire families have been wiped or burnt al ive by militants. Operation Sarpvinash, the largest operation against militants i n the militancy history of J&K was also based on the help received by the Indian military from the Gujjars. Rece ntly a Gujjar girl from Rajouri district was awarded Kirti Chakra for killing a dreaded LeT militant. These supportive endeavours from the Gujjar community are based on the fact t hat there is hardly any Gujjar family in the Jammu province or north of Kashmir Valley which didn’t suff er from the division and wars i n 1947 or 1965. Therefore, Gujjars have a major stake in Cross‐LoC confiden ce building measures including travel and trade. The Gujjar Pahari divide While the focus in the recent reports and observations have bee n on the Gujjar‐Pahari divide based on their demand for Scheduled Tribe status, another reason for this is a lso the emergent Pahari identity among upper clan Hindus and Muslims. There are also several historical fact s behind the Gujjar‐Pahari divide. In the early years of their arrival the Gujjars in J&K, they had entered i nto direct confrontation with the Rajput clans for political and strategic reasons. There are evidences of Gujjars having been declared as criminals by the local rulers and the Rajput communities using their influence on thes e settlements. This tussle seems to have carried on for centuries and beco me a major divide between the two in contemporary times. Gujjars have traditionally been tillers at the lands of Rajput Zamindars and have worked as their domestic helps and casual labourers. Even today the social differentiation continues to be a major f actor for the divide across all Gujjar‐Pahari IPCS Conflict Alert IPCS Conflict Alert An Early Warning Project INSTITUTE OF PEACE & CONFLICT STUDIES IPCS Conflict Alert June 2011 Understanding the Gujjar Pahri Faultline in J&K A Gujjar Perspective Zafar Choudhary Editor, Epilogue IPCS Special Report IPCS Special Report 106 June 2011 June 2011 B 7/3, Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi 110029 91 11 4100 1900 ipcs.org Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies 2 IPCS Conflict Alert IPCS Conflict Alert An Early Warning Project INSTITUTE OF PEACE & CONFLICT STUDIES IPCS Conflict Alert June 2011 Amongst the contemporary interna l conflicts in Jammu and Kashmi r, the political and social clashes between the Gujja r tribe and the Pahari speaking people are perhaps one of most serious challenges to internal peace at the micro level, a nd an emerging impediment to handling the Kashmir issue at large. This conflict between the Gujjars and Paharis, who are themselves a heterogeneous community, transcends all regional boundaries and religious divides within J&K (Jammu and Kashmir) and beyond . Historical literature traces the faultline between the Gujjars and other communities in present day J&K to several decades ago but the diff erences have sharpened followin g the inclusion of the former into Scheduled Tribes list under the constitution of Ind ia. The situation has worsened with a similar demand being made from a large numbe r of ethnic identities and castes drawn from Muslim, Hindu and Sikh groups which co ngregate under an identity of a Pahari speaking co mmunity. However, the clash bet ween the two communities is based around concessions and privileges guarante ed under the provisions of the Scheduled Tribes Act and not necessarily about everythin g. Battle lines between the two comm unities are becoming prominent on a large scale, given the fact that the political part ies extend selective patronage to certain communities against each other for securing easy vote banks. In fact, the p olitical parties and the government of the state have hel ped, overtly or covertly, in es calation of conflict from time to time. There is a hidden tension between the Gujjars and the Paharis who nurse huge contempt for each other. In Rajouri and Poonch districts o f the Jammu province and some parts of Baramulla, Kupwara, Bandipore and Badgam district s of the Kashmir province where these communities are predominant, the Gujjar‐Pa hari divide is a major political and social discourse in everyday life and their divid e becomes a dominant factor in all decisions – political and administrative. From selection of candidates for assembly elections, appointment of Ministe rs in the cabinet, nominating office bearers of political parties to posting of government officers at different levels i n the districts, even identifying government projects like schools, dispensaries and road or bridges, it is a major determining factor. Instead of trying to resolve this divide by placing things in a correct perspective the political parties and the govern ment are playing the Gujjar and Pahari cards which further hardens their stand and sharpen s the conflict. Nevertheless, b arring few cases in Poonch and Rajouri, there is no major evidence of armed violence betwe en the two identities only psychological irritations due to social differences, wilful te ndencies of getting at odds with each other leading to land disputes and long drawn police and court cases are common in sight. These are all dangerous signals of an impendin g conflict in J&K which already witnesses a high level of armed conflicts and wh ere arms licences are issued on a daily basis to a an average of average of 100 civilians. While the Gujjar‐Pahari divide offers a huge vote bank dividend to the political parties b ut further deepening of this divide will become unmanageable for the future incumbents. To p revent further escalation one needs to understand who exactly these people are , what are the stakes involved, where can one place them in the larger conflict zone of J&K, what has gone wrong so far and how can th ese things be corrected. Who are the Gujjars? There are varying versions on the origin and history of Gujjars but most historians agree on their Central Asian origin. Wh ile some others believe that t he Gujjars are of Indian origin and inhabited the regions around Mount Abu in western Ra jasthan, Malwa and Gujarat. In J&K, all Gujjars are Muslim and except for a few hu ndred families, they are nomads, semi‐nomads, pastoralists and agro‐pastoralists. Again, with the exception of few hundred families there are no se ttled agriculturist Gujjars in J&K unlike their counterparts in other states like Uttarakhand a nd Himachal Pradesh. Gujjars constitute 88 per cent of the total tribal population in J&K and their projected populati on for 2011 is around one million which is eight per cent of total population of the stat e. In terms of ethnic, cultural and linguistic classification Gu jjars are the third largest ide ntity in the state, after 3 Kashmiri Muslims and Dogra Hindus. Their population is scattere d and they move all across the state except Leh district and their largest concentration is in Poonch distr ict at 40 per cent succeeded by 33.1 per cent in Rajouri. Next in terms of population concentration are the undivided dis tricts of Anantnag in south Kashmir and Doda and Udhampur districts in Jammu province. Interestingly, the Gu jjar‐Pahari faultline is more evident in the districts of Rajouri and Poonch and parts of Baramulla, Kupwara and Badgam. This is due to their historical differences with the Rajputs who are present in large numbers i n this region. Gujjars are economically perhaps the most disadvantaged section of society in J&K. Thei r main activity is buffalo, sheep and goat rearing while some of them are engaged as agricultural workers. Education and employment amongst Gujjars is also in a dismal state. Lack of education is clearly reflect ed in their representation in the government services and despite the provision of reservations under the Sc heduled Tribe Act, Gujjars have not been able to secure jobs proportiona te to their population. From a larger perspective, the inclusion of Gujjars in the lis t of Scheduled Tribes seems to be more of a political statement than a real measure in improving the lot of this community. Incidentally, the Gujjars were declared as STs in April 1991 after a prolonged struggle of the community which began in 1960s and when militancy was at its peak in J&K. Those were the years when adm inistrative machinery had completely collapsed in the Kashmir Valley an d it was getting more and mor e difficult to govern the state. After the decline of militancy in 2002 the benefits under provisions of S cheduled Tribe proved ineffective in alleviating social and economic profiles of t he Gujjars as the specific sch emes complimenting the nomadic lifestyle are yet to be made. However, to some extent the benefits of reservation in jobs and selections for medical and engineering colleges have percola ted to these communities thoug h a lot still remains to be done to actually alleviate their socio‐ economic profile. Gujjars in the Kashmir conflict Gujjars are one of the most prominent stakeholders in the Kashm ir conflict. They are perhaps the only identity among Muslims of J&K whose patriotic and nationalistic credenti als towards India have never come under doubt. There has never been even a single Gujjar associated wit h any of the separatist organisation and very rare cases of any Gujjar participating in militancy have ever c ome to the fore. Complete abnegation is however also faulty as probes reveal that they have either worked as co uriers, under pressure/threat or some kind of allurement. Gujjars have in fact always offered early warning s ignals to the security forces in taking on militants and have suffered on this accord enormously. There ha ve been cases where entire families have been wiped or burnt al ive by militants. Operation Sarpvinash, the largest operation against militants i n the militancy history of J&K was also based on the help received by the Indian military from the Gujjars. Rece ntly a Gujjar girl from Rajouri district was awarded Kirti Chakra for killing a dreaded LeT militant. These supportive endeavours from the Gujjar community are based on the fact t hat there is hardly any Gujjar family in the Jammu province or north of Kashmir Valley which didn’t suff er from the division and wars i n 1947 or 1965. Therefore, Gujjars have a major stake in Cross‐LoC confiden ce building measures including travel and trade. The Gujjar Pahari divide While the focus in the recent reports and observations have bee n on the Gujjar‐Pahari divide based on their demand for Scheduled Tribe status, another reason for this is a lso the emergent Pahari identity among upper clan Hindus and Muslims. There are also several historical fact s behind the Gujjar‐Pahari divide. In the early years of their arrival the Gujjars in J&K, they had entered i nto direct confrontation with the Rajput clans for political and strategic reasons. There are evidences of Gujjars having been declared as criminals by the local rulers and the Rajput communities using their influence on thes e settlements. This tussle seems to have carried on for centuries and beco me a major divide between the two in contemporary times. Gujjars have traditionally been tillers at the lands of Rajput Zamindars and have worked as their domestic helps and casual labourers. Even today the social differentiation continues to be a major f actor for the divide across all Gujjar‐Pahari
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