Opinion The Egyptian coup and the fate of political Islam Political Islam must embrace pluralistic societies and reconcile religion with constitutionalism if it is to survive. Last Modified: 18 Jul 2013 14:50 Imam Zaid Shakir Imam Zaid Shakir Imam Zaid Shakir is the co-founder of Zaytuna college in Berkeley, California, and writes a blog for New Islamic Directions. RSS Listen to this page using ReadSpeaker Email Article Print Article Share article Send Feedback Close Player Settings | No sound? | Speech enabled by ReadSpeaker As the crowds leave Tahrir, having dealt a blow to political Islam in Egypt, Imam Zaid Shakir argues for a different approach for parties affiliated with that movement [EPA] In his, Dictionary of Political Thought, the noted political philosopher, Roger Scruton, defines a coup d’etat as "a change in government by force resulting in a change of constitution, and brought about by those who already hold some form of power whether military or political. The institution of a coup thereby transforms the terms on which their office is held from a public trust into a private possession". We start with this definition to spare anyone the need for debating whether what recently transpired in Egypt was a coup d’etat or not. By any meaningful definition of the term, it was. Calling the change in power a coup does not deny the role that the massive uprisings of June 30, and beyond played in providing a justification or cover for the transition. However, in analysing what happened, the uprising is of secondary importance. In any case, the events that have transpired, regardless of how we interpret them, will have far-reaching implications, both for Egypt and the region. One of the questions being asked by many in the aftermath of the coup in Egypt is, "what does this mean for "political" Islam?" This is a critical question considering that in the Sunni Muslim realm, the Muslim Brotherhood, the party intricately associated with the ousted Egyptian president, Mohammed Morsi, has been the standard bearer of political activism in Egypt. In answering this question we have to emphasize that politics and every other affair in this creation starts and ends with almighty God, Allah. To reiterate, we have to remain firm in our understanding that the affairs of the world are orchestrated by Almighty God and not anyone or anything is His creation. While we may search for the immediate causes of the situation in Egypt, and by so doing examine to role of the Egyptian military, the Tamarod movement, economic realities, behind the scenes machinations of Israel or the United States, the perceived or real incompetence of the Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, etc., at the end of the day we have to face an inescapable fact. Any Muslim party endeavoring to rule democratically over a particular country in the Muslim world has to understand that the eclectic ideological nature of the citizenry of most modern Muslim nation-states, combined in many instances with a similar degree of ethnic, tribal or religious diversity makes it nearly impossible for it to pursue a strict, party-line first agenda Namely, Allah, for a wisdom He understands best, did not want a Muslim regime controlling Egypt at this time. He thus created causative means (Asb?b), some mentioned above, to implement His Will. When we accept this reality we can move beyond the frustration and disappointment that is afflicting so many in light of the recent events. To emphasize that it is Allah who is the only effective "power-broker" in the world, reflect on the following verse from the Qur’an, "Say, O Allah, the owner of all sovereignty! You extend sovereignty to whosoever you please and you withdraw it from whosoever you please. You elevate whomsoever you please, and you debase whosoever you please. In Your Hand is all good, and You, over all things, possess power", (Qur’an 3:26). Accepting this reality and understanding that it is actualized in our world, is one of the greatest manifestations of Tawhid, or the affirmation of divine oneness. In this case, we are affirming that there is one effective source of power in this creation - Almighty God, Allah. This has to be our starting point in moving forward. In turning to an analysis of the events that have transpired at the level of Asb?b and the interplay between them, there are those who argue that the coup in Egypt and the unceremonious dumping of the Muslim Brotherhood-backed regime there marks the end of "political" Islam. Ironically, among those making such a claim is Syria’s Bashar al-Asad, even as his venal and brutal regime is being preserved by the direct intervention of Hizbollah and Iran, two of political Islam’s stalwarts, in the Syrian civil war. Political Islam, in some form, will continue to exist. However, for it to be viable on the global stage, it will need a major reformation. First of all, it cannot be sectarian. The limits of a sectarian political Islam are clearly displayed in Syria, Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Muslim involvement in the contest for power that proceeds along sectarian lines leave no room for competing ideas in a struggle for hearts and minds. Their only argument is blood and the ensuing carnage only generates fear and loathing in the hearts of the masses of ordinary believers. The political (and moral) bankruptcy of the various "Muslim" parties involved in the contest is plain. The slaughter generated by such groups may continue unabated for the short term, but such groups have no real political future. Secondly, any meaningful manifestation of political Islam cannot be self-serving. One of the criticisms of Morsi’s regime is that it was self-serving. In other words, its primary focus was advancing the interest of the Muslim Brotherhood. Of course, this contention is amenable to debate. The perception though was real in to minds of many Egyptians. Any Muslim party endeavoring to rule democratically over a particular country in the Muslim world has to understand that the eclectic ideological nature of the citizenry of most modern Muslim nation-states, combined in many instances with a similar degree of ethnic, tribal or religious diversity makes it nearly impossible for it to pursue a strict, party-line first agenda. Any group endeavouring to do so will alienate many parties whose support will be critical in any efforts to move the state in a new direction. This makes the principal challenge for an aspiring Muslim ruling-party a constitutional one. In other words, a carefully crafted constitution has to adjudicate how the requisites of the Shari’ah, widely understood, and the historical approach to religious minorities living in Muslim lands, best articulated under the Ottoman Millet system, can best be reconciled with modern ideas of citizenship and individual rights.
Posted on: Fri, 19 Jul 2013 16:04:24 +0000
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