Rao Farman Ali, the author has given a detailed history of the movement in Chapters 4 and 5 of the Al of “Making respectively,“Members of Al Fatah”. Chapter 7 of the book gives the Government version of the book as the author found in the police records. The author has taken pains to sieve through police other documents to give an FIRs and files, Objective analysis of the so, doing While movement. beyond and traced the entire history of Kashmir imbroglio. Chapters 1-3 are therefore knots historical untangling inquisitive reader comprehends why Kashmir has passed through trials and tribulation in her struggle against the oppressor. Though this is not the first attempt at chronicling the sorry state of affairs in our freedom struggle, the light throw does surely book alternative movement, armed roots in Kashmir. Rao writes, “On December 1966, Zehgeer and his group initiated a modest project-launch, mailing posters bearing a map of India with Jammu and Kashmir marked as a separate entity in red ink…on the night of 3rd February, [sic] 1967, Friday, 10.00PM the sentry, Constable Charan Dass of 45 Battalion (Border Security Force) at Nawakadal and daggers with assaulted injuries on his chest snatched away his 303 Rifle loaded with 5 round” (p. 55). Rao says that it was actually in July 1968, when Nazir Ahmad Wani went across the border with Zehgeer, that in began struggle armed an modus operandi of this low resistance movement was to highlight Kashmir issue internationally by giving it an indigenous shade without involvement of Pakistan, having its own guidelines, preamble, most importantly[sic] political moves hoping to seek diplomatic support of Pakistan and friendly countries” (p. 57). The author has quoted profusely from Al Fatah documents, police files and other sources to study the guerilla warfare technique that the party wanted to follow. The battle between India and Kashmir was likened to the battle between an elephant and a mosquito. Though the former “engages latter the strong, is (stealthily, secretly and furtively)—to others it looks like a lame man attempting Mount Everest] (p. 58). The author takes us to Kashmir of periods important example, 1965 Indo-Pak war, the All Parties Convention, which was among addressed by Jai Prakash Narain and in which he had said that Kashmir problem should be resolved within the framework of the Indian constitution, the Indira-Bhutto accord at Simla, the court trials of Al Fataf detainees etc. Roa tells that the The Peoples League as floated after Nazir Ahmad Wani, Fazal Haq Qureshi, Ghulam Mohammad Naikoo, Hamidullah Bhat, Hamid and others did not get a positive response from Sheikh Abdullah about running an underground organization—“I don’t believe in underground activities,” Sheikh” (p. 91). Rao writes about Farooq Abdullah’s visit to Muzafarabad in 1974 and his subsequent huge rally at Lal Chowk which was viewed by many Abdulla by young “rebellion as father Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s upcoming Accord with then [sic] Prime Minister Indira Gandhi” (p. 93). It is clear that like other things, this forgot Abdullah Farooq turned into a very staunch pro-India There seems to be strange attitudes between Farooq and his father. The latter did not keep the promise of fighting for Kashmir cause and the latter forgot his past for the CM’s chair. Roa tells us Accord when Sheikh Abdullah saw a banner at Khannabal depicting Kashmir as a country, he “clapped on it and later kissed on the forehead of Zehgeer” (p. 95). However, later on the “NC leader (Sheikh Abduallah) was person not the lion which people used to call (Mirza his trio with him—along Afzal Beigh, Devi Das Thakur Norbu), institutionalized corruption” (p. 95). The before the Accord, had, Sheikh withdraw all cases against the youth, especially those who were attached to Al Fatah, but after he took over the reins of Kashmir as the CM but he did nothing of the sort (p.96). The Plebiscite Front was renamed as National Conference, the of slogan the “burying subterranean grave”. The subsequent events—Sofi Mohammad Akbar’s opposition floating Accord, Indira-Sheikh organization, Mahazi Azaadi, and 1977 election —have been told with documentary evidence from Rao’s personal contacts records. Kashmir Under the Shadow of Gun contains photographs of Al Fatah members (pp. 114-117). Chapter 5 consists of names of all Al Fatah members operating in centre of Kashmir. Chapter 7 gives the police version of the Al Fatah movement. Chapter 6 concludes the debate and says that “Al’ Fatah was the second generation organization…challenging Indian rule” (p. 135). Interesting is to note that the movement was selfless and well organized. Even the police version did not find any bungling in the funds that the organization procured through dacoity. Rao quotes an intelligence where it was said, “It is highly significant that the large amount which had been procured in this dacoity [the Pulwama] was utilized entirely for the purposes of underground organization and it was not distributed among the members of the gang as personal booty” (p. 135-6). Kashmir Under the Shadow of Gun is a good of Kashmir freedom annals to the addition movement which has seen downs. This also help us to gauge the working of people like Sheikh Abdullah and his close aide Mirza Afzal Beigh and the way the Al Fatah under buried got movement However, the reading the book is hampered by gross lexical and grammatical should have been corrected before publishing the book. I have already used [sic] in the text for some grammatical errors, but the last part of the following doesn’t seem to make sense: “Friday, January 15th, 1971, (Students League Man’s Young attempted to highjack the stage congregational prayers I Sringar, Anantnag and Sopore to deliver anti-India speeches, however from far them termed Dar admitted about the meeting” (p. 78). Rao quotes Sarabai and uses “embracement” instead “embarrassment” on Page 79.
Posted on: Thu, 11 Jul 2013 18:23:49 +0000
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