This is a long article shows the difference when it came to our independence and shows how we still are a Dominion State of tiny British empire how during the flag hoisting on 15 of Aug while Indian flag was raised Union Jack was not lowered which should have been lowered to signify end of british rule does this mean we never really got free you will note the stark difference in approach of Nehru and Jinnah on this issue showing how Nehru stayed a slave for his life The British Tilt BY AJIT BHATTACHARJEA PREPARATIONS for the transfer of power further highlighted continuity rather than change as the underlying theme of the occasion. Much attention was paid to devising rituals and ceremonies that would not hurt British sentiment. August 15 would be observed more as a fond farewell to a trusted friend than the culmination of a struggle for independence from foreign rule. Jawaharlal Nehru set the tone with a speech commending the Tricolour to the Constituent Assembly as the national flag of India. He spoke at length of world history, but failed to mention the Quit India movement of 1942, the Sepoy mutiny of 1857 or other mileposts in the struggle against the British. Gandhi was not too happy with the replacement of the charkha in the Tricolour with the Ashoka wheel. Though Nehru insisted that the change was nominal, Gandhi feared that the association with the lion in the Ashoka emblem would suggest violence. Nehru readily accepted Mountbattens suggestion that no disrespect would be shown to the Union Jack when it was lowered for the last time at dusk on August 14. It would not be replaced immediately by the Tricolour; free Indias flag would be raised the following morning. British sentiment would also be respected by ensuring that the Union Jack that had flown over the Lucknow Residency ever since 1857 would be lowered with due honours. The flag represented the victory of the British forces in the mutiny, which some historians describe as a war of independence. There was no such gesture of remembrance for the sepoys who had given their lives in the mutiny. Nor for the Rani of Jhansi who died fighting the British. Nor for the three sons of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal Emperor, who were shot in cold blood by a British officer, Capt. Hodson, after they had surrendered. Ironically, the officer continues to be honoured by the Indian regiment that adopted his name, Hodsons Horse. The current emphasis was on securing power as smoothly as possible. Presumably encouraged by the ease with which he had persuaded the Congress and Muslim League leaders to embrace Dominion status, Mount-batten even tried to persuade the future leaders of India and Pakistan to retain the Union Jack in a corner of their national flags. For once he was unsuccessful. Nehru and Jinnah replied that retaining the British flag would not be acceptable to their people. But Nehru agreed that after August 15, the governor-generals flag would contain the British royal crest, a crown and lion. This meant that as governor-general of India, Mountbatten would remain in the Viceroys House flying a flag which continued to symbolise subservience to the crown. No objection was taken to the proposed oath of office for the governor-general which promised that he would be faithful to His Majesty, his heirs and successors. Then, when asked by Mountbatten whether he could continue to report directly to the King after August 15, Nehru said he had no objection. Jinnah was less complaisant. Lord Ismay, Mountbattens chief of staff, complained to him on July 24 that the viceroy was finding it difficult to deal with him. He had been embarrassed by Jinnahs last-minute announcement that he would be governor-general of Pakistan. He had been further embarrassed by reports in the pro-Pakistan press chortling over the fact that while India would have a European as governor-general, Pakistan would have one of its own nationals. The latest embarrassment was Jinnahs refusal to fly the Dominion governor-generals flag, with the royal crest, over his residence. The Pakistan leader replied that he was entitled to fly any flag he liked over his residence. Yet, before Ismay left, Jinnah assured him: I beg you to assure the viceroy that I am his friend and yours for now and always. As a cousin of King George VI, Mountbatten was brought up in an atmosphere of pomp and ceremony. He enjoyed appearing in naval uniform, complete with medals and decorations. This particularly helped to impress the Indian princes, who liked even more to parade in gold-braided uniforms with rows of decorations. For them, a change in title or new decoration from the King-Emperor was bliss. They were invited to meet the crown representative (he was not viceroy for them) at the Chamber of Princes (now library of Parliament) on July 25. From all accounts, Mountbatten was in great form for the occasion and persuaded most of the princes to sign the Instrument of Accession to India. He told them that after August 15, he would no longer be able to mediate for them. He warned them that any arms they could procure would be obsolete. That, in the circumstances, the Congress offer of accession in three subjects—defence, foreign affairs and communications—were the best available. He sweetened the package by assuring the assembled princes that the Indian government would not interfere with them receiving honours and titles from the King, as before. The Maharajas of Jaipur and Bikaner were, in fact, invested with the Grand Cross of the Star of India (GCSI) after the transfer of power. .............. .............. Mountbatten reported to London that he was surprised by the great store rulers set not only on retaining their existing honorary military ranks and British decorations and being allowed to remain as honorary AsDC to the King, but their greater anxiety that they should not be cut off from receiving future British decorations. Patel had agreed that these courtesy relations with the crown could continue.
Posted on: Sun, 19 Jan 2014 11:30:42 +0000
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