UNGA2013 Mr. President, Your Excellencies, Distinguished Delegates, It is a great honor to represent again my beloved nation at this rostrum. During the past decade, as I had the privilege to address this hall, Georgia has moved from a failed state to a market democracy. We have experienced both advances and setbacks, both breakthroughs and mistakes. But the world has been able to witness the constant commitment to freedom ofthe Georgian people. I ask you today to once more hear the voice ofa nation that transcends political, social, and religious differences in a common love for freedom. A voice that-·despite all the problems we have encountered and the challenges we still have to overcome-isfull ofhope. And, looking at our world today, I do think that this voice ofhope is needed. ***** 12 The optimism ofthe early 1990s-when the spread ofliberal and democratic values seemed natural-when the End ofHistory had been proclaimed -and when the United Nations was set to become the heart and the soul ofa world finally at peace - this optimism ofthe 1990s has been crushed by a wave of pessimism and cynicism. The world is not at peace. Humankind has not reconciled with itself. And the UN did not become the soul or the heart of a united globe. Western civilization, once triumphant, is now trying to tackle a deep economic, social, and mental crisis. In Eastern Europe, the colored revolutions are challenged by the forces they had defeated a few years ago. In the Middle East, the glorious images ofthe cheering crowds ofCairo and Tunis have been replaced by the horrendous videos ofthe gassed children of Damascus. There are many good reasons to be disillusioned. Butshould the dogmatic optimism ofthe 90s be replaced by an equally dogmatic pessimism-by a sense ofresignation thatsuffocates hope? Should the fact that the expansion ofdemocracy and freedom turns out to require profound struggle -should this lead us to renounce our beliefs and our principles? ***** 23 I came here today to share the hopes ofmy nation, and to speak out against this ambient fatalism. I came here to address those who doubt, those who hesitate, those who are tempted to give in. Ifthe West is outdated, then why do millions ofPoles, Czech, Estonians, Romanians, and others cherish so much the day they entered NATO? And why are millions ofUkrainians, Georgians, Moldovans, and others desperately knocking on the doors ofthe European Union? Iffreedom is no longerfashionable, how do we explain that the suicide ofan unknown citizen in a remote Tunisian town has changed the map ofthe world? No. History did not come to an end in 1989 or 1991 and it never will. But freedom is still its motor and its horizon. Everywhere, men and women who want to live in freedom are confronted by the forces oftyranny. The question is: are we going to be actors or spectators in this confrontation? Distinguished delegates, Ladies and gentlemen, ***** 34 As I speak, the Eastern European countries aspiring to join the European family offree and democratic nations are facing constant pressures and threats. Armenia has been cornered, Moldova is being blockaded, Ukraine is under attack, Azerbaijan faces extraordinary pressure, and Georgia is occupied... Why? Because an old Empire istrying to reclaim its bygone borders. And "borders" is actually not the right word, since this Empire - be it the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation, or the Eurasian Union - never had borders. It only had margins. I came today to speak in the name ofthese margins. Unlike most nations, the Russian Federation has no interest in having stable states around it. Neighboring countriesin constant turmoil is what the Kremlin is seeking. Itrejects the very idea ofstrong governments in Georgia, Ukraine, or Moldova, even ones that try to be friendly to its interests. I was never a great fan ofwhat the French call "La langue de bois", but as my second term nears its end, I feel more than before the urge to speak my mind. So let us be concrete. ***** 45 Do you think that Vladimir Putin wants Armenia to decisively triumph over Azerbaijan, for instance? No. This would make Armenia too strong and potentially too independent. Do you think then that the contrary is true, that Moscow wants Baku to prevail over Erevan? Obviously not. The current rise ofa modernized Azerbaijan is a nightmare for the Russian leaders. No, they do not want anyone to prevail and the conflict itselfistheir objective, since it keeps both nations dependent and blocks their integration into the European common space. Do you think that the electoral defeat ofthe forces that led the Orange Revolution in Ukraine has led the Kremlin to take a softer approach to this country? To the contrary. The government lead by Viktor Yanoukovich is under permanent attack, a commercial war has been launched against Ukraine ahead of the European Summit ofVilnius and Russian officials now speak openly about dismembering this nation. Do you think the Kremlin would agree to discuss the de-occupation ofAbkhazia and South Ossetia, now that the government has changed inTbilisi? Far from it! The annexation ofGeorgian lands by Russian troops continues. Yesterday, the occupants have expelled again Georgian citizens from their homes and villages, the homes and villages oftheir parents and grand-parents. In daylight and in total impunity. ***** 56 Despite the friendly statements made by the new Georgian government in the recent weeks and months, the Russian military keeps advancing its positions, dividing communities with new barbwires, threatening our economy, moving towards the vital Baku-Supsa pipeline, approaching more and more the main highway ofGeorgia and thus putting into question the very sustainability ofour country. The hostility ofVladimir Putin and his team towards the government I had the privilege to lead for almost a decade was not based on personal hatreds or cultural misunderstandings. Any such interpretation wasjust a smokescreen. My predecessor, President Shevarnadze, came from the highest Soviet nomenklatura. He was returned to power in Georgia with direct Russian help in the 90s, through a military coup. He was well known for his Soviet diplomatic skills unlike me. And yet, Russia has constantly undermined his authority and even tried to assassinate him several times. This is not about Gamsakourdia, Shevarnadze, Saakashvili, orIvanishvili Those names actually do not matter when the stakes are so high. This is about the possibility-or not-oftrue statehood in Georgia, and beyond. Why? Because the current Russian authorities know perfectly well that-assoon as strong institutions are built in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, or any other placeas soon asfunctioning states emerge-such institutions, such states will reflect ***** 6
Posted on: Thu, 26 Sep 2013 03:58:18 +0000
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