21.07. - 1 - Speech Of The Day - O.A.U. SUMMIT, CAIRO ... It is in this, We believe, that the real triumph of Africa lies today. Economic development may lag; difficulties may be encountered in working out unanimously acceptable programmes and policies; temporary dissentions may interfere with harmonious relations between individual states. But so long as the spirit of Africa prevails and stirs within us, so long as we continue to think and work and act within the African context which we have created, imbued by the African atmosphere which surrounds and pervades us, We are confident that the goals we seek shall be attained. We have created this spirit; it is our child. To bring it to its full potential We must, firstly define with precision and clarity the programmes which will advance us along the path we have chosen, whilst simultaneously avoiding those dangers which could frustrate what has been so laboriously won. And in order that these programmes be coherent and intelligible, they must be founded upon painstakingly articulated principles and policies which we, as African nations, must apply, not only in charting the future of the Organization of African Unity, but in directing our own activities as independent African states. What do we seek for Africa? We seek to consolidate and guarantee our own precious liberty as independent nations. We seek freedom for our still dependent brothers. We seek Africa’s economic growth and development, the betterment of the way of life of Africans and all men. We seek the closest collaboration with those others – Asians, Europeans, North and South Americans – who share our desires and who are willing to co-operate with us. We seek that self-sufficiency which will enable us to play our rightful role in international affairs and live in full harmony with all men. We seek to make our voices heard and our views heeded on the major problems confronting the world today. Our quest, above all else, is to assure to Africa and to each African state the fullest and most complete measure of freedom – freedom from all remnants of colonialism; freedom from neo-colonialism, whatever form it may take; freedom from political and military threat; freedom from aggression; freedom from interference by others in our internal affairs; freedom from economic domination; freedom from the danger of nuclear destruction. This is easy to state; how infinitely more difficult it is to achieve! ... ... we can take heart in the fact that at our side in our struggle against apartheid are ranged the vast majority of human race. But to justify their support we must ourselves scrupulously and militantly enforce the measures which we have agreed upon. It is not the strength or the power or the determination of those who oppose us that will delay success in this battle, but only the weakness of our unity. ... ... Assistance is required – and it will be welcome, if it comes without conditions. ... ... At Addis Ababa, enough was said to demonstrate beyond doubt that Africans are virtually unanimous in their agreement that only by acceptance of the frontiers bequeathed to them by the colonialists can permanent peace reign on our continent. The principle of respect for the territorial integrity of states is repeated in the OAU’s Charter no less than three times, and it is only for us to observe it as scrupulously as it deserves. Ethiopia supports this view, although she herself suffered no less than others from the depredations of the imperialists. We must, however, go still further. The Charter has accurately and adequately defined the principles to which we have pledged our adherence. Africans, however, like all other peoples possess not only virtues but weaknesses and it is perhaps inevitable that differences will arise among us from time to time. Just as Africa, as a single entity, and the several African states individually toil for the peaceful settlement of disputes among states, so must we ensure that disputes in Africa are settled peacefully. If our continent is not free of internecine strife, how can we hope to influence others whose disputes endanger the peace of the world? In like manner, the Charter’s signatories have declared their adherence to the complementary principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and this principle, too, must be rigidly observed if conflicts between Africans are to be avoided. It is all too often under the guise of territorial disputes and through the medium of subversive activity directed against legitimate governments that the foreign influences which we seek to bar from our continent endeavour to exert their power and establish for themselves a foothold from which to expand their activities. We must guard against the insidious substitution of one form of dominance and rule for another; we must be vigilant to inhibit the growth of what is called “neo-Colonialism.” Neo-colonialism today takes two forms: economic and political. We recognize that economic dominance is not only often the more difficult to eliminate, but often serves as the entering wedge for political domination. ... ... When we consider political neo-colonialism, our desires, although perhaps no less difficult of attainment, are at least easier of articulation. We seek to avoid a rigid and inflexible posture which prejudices our position on the major issues before the world. We seek to avoid alignment, to achieve true non-alignment. Our late good friend, H. E. Prime Minister Nehru of India, put it thus: “The only camp we should like to be in is the camp of peace and goodwill.” At Belgrade, in September of 1961, We stated that the essence of non-alignment was to be impartial, impartial to judge actions and policies objectively, as we see them either contributing to or detracting from the resolution of the world’s problems, the preservation of peace and the improvement of the general level of man’s living conditions. Those who righteously denounce one side on every major problem or issue while reserving nothing but praise for the other cannot claim to be non-aligned; we may from one day to the next find ourselves now opposing, now supporting, now voting against, first the East, next the West. It is the worth of the policies themselves, We say, and not their source or sponsor, which determines the position of one who is truly non-aligned. We repeat that non-alignment is in no way anti-Eastern or anti-Western, any more than it is anti-Northern or anti-Southern. It is neither anti- nor pro- in any absolute fashion. It is largely affirmative, not negative. It is for peace and freedom. It is for a decent standard of living for all men. It is for the right of the people of any nation to adopt that economic and political system which the majority of them freely elect to follow. It is for the right of men and nations freely to take their stand on the great issues of the day, as their consciences and their sense of right and justice – and these alone – dictate. It should be clear, however, that as Africans embracing this principle we are not choosing to form a third bloc, a supra-power which can only speak with a single voice because it is controlled and dictated by a single organ. What we seek to create is flexible, not inflexible; a moral force to be used for world peace, for economic development, for the benefit of humanity. We cannot impose our views by force. We have only the power of moral persuasion. This is our strength – and a great strength – if we will but use it. And, finally, there exists today, not for Africa alone but for all mankind, the danger of the extinction of the human race by nuclear holocaust. We have supported it in the past, and We reiterate now, that Africa must be declared a denuclearized zone. We urge again that efforts to achieve a progressive disarmament be redoubled. The limited nuclear test ban treaty constitutes a step in this direction, but it should be but the first of many. Our united efforts must be exerted to this end. What must we do to transform our aspirations into reality, to overcome the dangers to which We have referred, to advance to the destiny we have marked out for ourselves: We have spoken in the past of some of the concrete measures to be taken. The creation of a permanent machinery to settle intra-African disputes is one such. We must take up where the colonialists left off in transforming the social and economic patterns of our nations. In order to decrease our economic dependence on the developed nations, trade among Africa’s nations must be expanded. Transportation and communication facilities among us must be expanded and improved. A unified African Development Programme which utilizes to the fullest the individual resources of the individual African states must be prepared and implemented. Techniques must be found and employed for the most efficient and economic use of our resources and financial means. In all of this, we can profit from the example of both the East and West. ... ... What is needed, above all, is patience which accepts delays while striving to overcome them and tolerance which comprehends our weaknesses, our selfish ambitions, and our narrow self-interest, while seeking to strengthen our will and stiffen our moral fibre and devotion to principle and international morality: which can alone arm and shield and support us in the daily strife which is our fate as we toil to better the lot of Africa and all men everywhere. Unless we find the requisite courage and fixity of purpose to rise above our petty selves; we shall be broken on the wheel of our own invention, slaves of our own despotism. The spirit of Africa, which surrounds our deliberations here, is deserving of the greatness which Africa demands of it. Let us prove ourselves worthy of it. chronological-speeches-of-him-qhs.blogspot.de/2014/07/2107-1-speech-of-day-oau-summit-cairo.html
Posted on: Mon, 21 Jul 2014 09:48:30 +0000
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