Airlift Africa project that brought Obama, Sr. to America was White House/CIA operation… A few pieces of the Obama puzzle are filled in by Africa scholarship documents… Documents obtained from the Dwight Eisenhower Library in Abilene, Kansas reveal that the project to bring hundreds of African students to U.S. universities in 1959 and 1960 was spearheaded by the White House and personally overseen by President Eisenhower… The African student education project was under the immediate direction of Dennis A. Fitzgerald, an adviser to Presidents Truman and Eisenhower, as well as a wartime assistant to former President Herbert Hoovers World Food Mission… Fitzgerald, a Harvard agricultural economist and CIA official cover operative, served as the deputy director of the International Cooperation Agency (ICA), the forerunner of the CIA-infused U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), from 1953 to 1961…. Dennis Fitzgerald, the man behind the Airlift Africa project. After the creation of USAID, he joined the Brookings Institution…. A number of telephone conversation memos held by the Eisenhower Library as part of Fitzgeralds personal papers confirm that the project to compete with the Soviet union by offering college scholarships to students from newly-independent or soon-to-be independent African nations had top priority within the Eisenhower White House… A memo dated September 20, 1960 regarding a phone conversation between Dr. Harry Krould, an Austrian émigré and wartime U.S. propaganda official, and Fitzgerald states: Mr. Krould understands State and possibly WH most interested in this university project in Africa and is afraid something will come out on it before we are ready -- thinks it would be most unfortunate if anything said from there before we get this lined up -- after announcement which Henry wants to get out think it would be good thing to have Pres say he thinks it very good idea but not before -- trying to keep Thayer from getting on bandwagon -- Dr. Fitz said hes talk to Bell and he thinks this good idea but wants to check with Dillon . . . Thayer is Robert Thayer, assistant Secretary of State for educational and cultural affairs and a one-time law partner of General William Donovan, the head of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the predecessor of the scum CIA… Dillon is Douglas Dillon, the then-Under Secretary of State under Secretary of State Christian Herter. Bell is John O. Bell, Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs. Henry is Dean Henry of Harvard University, assigned by ICA to work on the Africa scholarship project… A September 19, 1960 phone call between Fitzgerald and Edward F. Kunze, a longtime State Department official, stated that the principal parties were anxious to get going with the Afro American University project. The estimated cost was $5 million over seven years. The backers stated they want as much of a commitment [sic] as the US government can give that we will support this -- so have a Presidential determination. The memo also states: The Universities will bill Af. Am from time to time and Af. Am will advance funds to the universities and the universities will want advance from us. I [Fitzgerald] felt we could obligate for the first semesters advances from this years money and the second from new money. Biggest hurdle is they dont have Ford Foundation commitment yet. Have all indications that Board will approve it but Board not meeting again until November. Rockefeller have advanced $100,000 and Af. Am. put up $65,000. Henry [Dean Henry] is taking off for Africa on Saturday. He wants to start talking with governments and arranging for Board to be set up. The memo continues, I [Fitzgerald] presume our contract will be with Af. Am [African American Institute]. Mr. K [Kunze] said yes. DAF [Fitzgerald] said question was raised whether would we have any objection to language in contract that implies AAI [African American Institute] making grants for that purpose. Mr. K. asked if funds other than ours and DAF said no, ours. Mr. K. said we can put whatever conditions in a grant that we want. Have no personal objections to saying it is a grant. DAF said they are willing to be tied down as much as we need to tie them down. No need for us to say we have contract with AAI. Mr. K. said think we can get around that. In press release I would question whether we would want to say we, the US, making grant to universities. DAF said no -- agreed that we will say we are giving financial support. if we have a contract with AAI this is a protection against other universities. Mr. K. said we dont have to use word grant or contract -- we can say other arrangements. No problem on that. The gist of ICAs contract or grant with the African American Institute, a known CIA front, was to hide U.S. government direct funding as much as possible from other universities, as well as African government and private sector participants. The U.S. was charging at the time that Communist governments were directly providing scholarships to African students. Therefore, it was incumbent to keep the U.S. government, particularly the CIA, as far away from the African Airlift and scholarship program as possible… A September 20, 1960 memo between Fitzgerald and Bell asked whether the material on the 800 Africans selected for the program had been received by Bell. The memo states the program had been mentioned to the Great Man [Eisenhower] who thought it would be very helpful in countering adverse attacks. Another September 20, 1960, Fitzgerald telephone memo stated that 24 American universities were, along with the African American Institute, bring close to 100 applicants from Africa to the United States for 4-year courses. The largest source of funding was to be the Afro American Institute and the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations. ICA was to pick up all living expenses (about $1800 a year) with a ceiling of 200 students in the first increment. Particular focus was to be on not yet independent . . . French and British territories with some uncertainty about Liberia... The memo also states that difficulty . . . developed in case of Kenya trainees and that this had been cleared up with the intervention of Undersecretary of State Dillon. Dillon would later become the Secretary of Treasury under President Kennedy. A September 21, 1960, memo between Dean Henry and Fitzgerald discloses that Carnegie Corp. came through with the 100,000 for the African scholarship program. The memo also states that Columbia University was to assist in the scholarship project… A September 26, 1960, memo of Fitzgeralds phone call discusses that Joseph Satterthwaite, the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and James W. Riddleberger, the ICA director and Fitzgeralds boss, had a personal interest in the Africa scholarship program particularly in view of Eisenhowers speech on the subject. Two days later, Fitzgerald discussed with Riddleberger bringing on board the African Participant Training project a Mike Harris of the Ford Foundation who had spent the last several years in Indonesia for the Ford Foundation. The Ford Foundation would later fund Ann Dunhams CIA-related activities in post-1965 coup Indonesia…. According to a September 14, 1960 telephone memo, one Southern Democratic senator, James Eastland of Mississippi, sent a letter to ICA asking about its contracts overseas. Eastland was concerned that for many of the overseas contracts, only one bidder was listed. Fitzgerald and Kunze handled this by deciding to tell Eastland that where only one bidder shown, selection already made. In other words, it was a Southern segregationist senator, Eastland. who detected a problem with the ICA program that brought President Obamas father to the University of Hawaii for a full scholarship on the American taxpayers dime -- money laundered through a CIA front, the African American Institute…. The African scholarship program appeared to not have any funding problems. A November 23, 1960 Fitzgerald phone conversation that the White House director of the Bureau of the Budget, Maurice Stans, had agreed with Eisenhower to place the Africa scholarship program under a multilateral umbrella. Apparently, Eisenhowers wish to involve the United Nations in the program was not acted upon in the waning days of his administration. Stans, Commerce Secretary under President Richard Nixon, would later be convicted in the Watergate scandal for the role he played as the head of the Committee to Re-Elect the President (CREEP)…. A September 21, 1960 phone conversation between Fitzgerald and Thayer dealt with Dean Henrys difficulty in getting together with the universities volunteering for the Africa project. The African American Institute was a cipher for CIA money to front organizations, a fact disclosed by John Crewdson and Joseph Treaster in a New York Times article on December 26, 1977. The same two reporters disclosed in the Times that President Obamas first employer, Business International Corporation of New York, was a longtime CIA front…. Fitzgerald and Kunze were also responsible for initiating the first ICA funding of training for Indonesians, a forerunner of the USAID program that sent Ann Dunham and seven-year old Barack Obama, Jr. to Indonesia in 1967. The first Indonesians selected for special training were engineers. A September 15, 1960 telephone memo from Fitzgerald to Kunze warns that a TO ICA Airgram from Indonesia warned that the Russians were moving ahead on engineering training contracts in Indonesia. A September 16, 1960 memo between Fitzgerald and Kunze describes a special waiver to be granted to an RCA employee to begin immediate training Indonesian engineers. Meanwhile, Ann Dunham, an aspiring anthropologist with an interest in Indonesia, was at the University of Hawaii studying, among other subjects, the Russian language. It was in the Russian language class where she met her future husband, Barack Obama, Sr., brought to Hawaii by the very same ICA team that was setting up the program to send American trainers to Indonesia…. Not everything went well with the African scholarship program. A pre-election November 1, 1960 memo of a call between Fitzgerald and Charlie Keating, the State Departments deputy chief of security, stated that Keating was unhappy to let students from Guinea to enter the U.S. Keating said the U.S. would disown them if they turned out to be disreputable people. Fitzgerald replied that African students received fast service through ICA agreements with the FBI and CIA when necessary. The CIA and FBI did security checks on all African scholarship recipients. Fitzgerald decided that since there was a new incoming administration in some fashion, the issue of unsavory African scholarship students should be left to them to do something about it. An October 27, 1960, memo said that one of the difficulties in providing security clearances to the African students was a lack of bio data. In the end, the African American Institute, the CIA front, agreed to defray any costs associated with any problems caused by the Guinean students... A December 27, 1960 phone conversation between Fitzgerald and Riddleberger discussed incoming Agriculture Secretary Orville Freemans interest in the ICA education program for Congo. Freeman would later become the President of Business International Corporation (BIC) from 1970 to 1984. The time period included Barack Obama, Jr.s employment with the CIA front after graduating from Columbia University in 1983… An October 14, 1960, conversation between Fitzgerald and James Webb of the American Council on Education discussed setting up a board to administer the African scholarship program. The Washington International Center and Meridian House [the latter now known as the Meridian International Center, which is funded by an individual who once threatened a libel suit] were mentioned as potential fronts for the scholarship board... Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court William O. Douglas agreed to serve on the board, along with Centaur Corporation heiress (manufacturers of Fletchers Castoria) Mildred Barnes Bliss, wife of U.S. diplomat Robert Woods Bliss (her step-brother) and the donor of Dumbarton Oaks to Harvard University. The same memo stated that Zakarias from MIT (possibly Professor Jerrold Zacharias of MIT, a Manhattan Project scientist on the atomic bomb project) had just attended a meeting of African educational leaders in Israel and that the Israeli model might be used by the United States in training African students... Zakarias [or Zacharias] spoke of 50 educational films developed by the Israelis for African students at that Fitzgeralds staff should obtain a 16 mm sound projector for a briefing by Zakarias in Washington, DC. Also discovered in the Africa scholarship files is an October 18, 1960 telephone memo between Fitzgerald and a Mr. Herman of the Republican National Committee about a Charles Spreyer, a veteran of U.S. aid operations in Korea and elsewhere, coming back to work for ICA. Spreyer had been recommended by Connecticut Republican Senator Prescott Bush, the father of George H W Bush and grandfather of George W. Bush. The board, also referred to as a commission was a political hot potato. According to a September 29. 1960, telephone memo, Satterthwaite at State wanted the new operation to come under his Africa bureau at the State Department. Others wanted it heavily weighted with African Americans but Fitzgerald also believed there should be some people from the deep south represented because of the hostility of powerful committee chairs in Congress to the idea of educating African students in the United States at taxpayers expense… Fitzgerald appears from some of the memos obtained from the Eisenhower Library to have been engaged in suspicious side business activity. One memo, dated December 30, 1960, during the Eisenhower-Kennedy transition time period, states that Fitzgerald asked a Mr. Wilkins, a government general counsel, how is the fruit business? Wilkins spoke of speaking to a Mr. Smith in New Orleans who was a very unhappy man. Mr. Smith wondered about whether he could hold on to his banana business. The business involved Standard Fruit, the predecessor of Dole Corporation. At the time, several right-wing businessmen with stakes in Latin American and the Caribbean were concerned that the incoming Kennedy administration would take a soft view of Fidel Castros Cuban revolution and fail to protect U.S. interests in various banana republics” in the region, including those where Standard and United Fruit (later Chiquita Foods) had major investments. Three years later, New Orleans became the nexus for the plot to assassinate President John F. Kennedy…..
Posted on: Tue, 24 Jun 2014 18:27:08 +0000
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