Part 7 THE CONSULTATIVE EXERCISE The mandate and composition of the National Consultative Committee seemed to give a clear message to the people that they were to decide the fate of the country but we interpreted the message differently. In our view, the involvement of veteran politicians like Cham Joof and people with visible connection with the PPP, like Riaf Diab, was to appease the Jawara enthusiasts that they had nothing to fear with the disappearance of Bakary Darboe after November 11. The involvement of youth leaders like Bubacarr Senghore, Saul Ndow and Omar Jabang ,who were linked to MOJA, Gambia, was meant to indicate to the radical youth that the revolution was still on course. The appointment of credible representatives from civil society, Religious groups and traditional rulers was to close the PDOIS argument for a National Conference comprising precisely such group and political parties. The fact that political parties were not involved confirmed that the council intended to continue the policy of assimilating their members to gain greater legitimacy, but would not coexist with them as partners during the transition phase. We might have been wrong and Jammeh could have corrected us if we were, but the spontaneous way the National Consultative Committee emerged, just after the November 11 incident, began to have negative ramification and compelled us to see the development as a tactical move by the Chairman to propel the transition process beyond whatever schemes the Vice Chairman was designing, after the 11 November incident in order to control the military apparatus . Finally, we were concerned that the National Consultative Committee was not established by Decree, hence we wondered how binding the findings of the committee would be. Notwithstanding, the objectives spelt out for the committee to put the AFPRC´s Programme of activities and timetable before members of the general public nation-wide, to obtain the views of the people and The Gambias development partners, to make recommendations and submit its report to the AFPRC within twenty-one days from the date of its appointment, were so timely that no right thinking person could have honoured the development with disregard. After Decree No 4 had banned dissemination of political ideas, the mandate of the National Consultative Committee meetings began to negate the Decree as people began to express their opinions on the transition. Some recommended 6 months, others a year, others 1 year 6 months, others 2 years. PDOIS came to the realisation that the tactic of calling for a National conference, to determine the transition to the restoration of the republic and the sovereignty of the people, had been rendered redundant by events. We had to move on to engage in the process and play a part in shaping the agenda for the transition and help educate the masses on the instruments and institutions that were needed to have a Republic that they could call their own. That was why the Secretary General, in his personal capacity, since parties were not recognised by the AFPRC, addressed the following memorandum to the consultative committee: To be continued PDOIS STATEMENT ON 22ND JULY 2013 The Young Should Be Told The Truth ISSUED BY HALIFA SALLAH SECRETARY GENERAL 31 July 2013 Part 8 Continuation from Issue No. 154, 2013 (The publication in Issue No. 2013 is an error and should be ignored.) Letter to the National consultative committee Even though, we did not hold a Ministerial or Parliamentary post before the coup and had just established a party which was just 6 years old in 1994, despite the fact that we were the only force that took action to pin down the coup makers to a National conference but were by passed to set up a National Consultative Committee that included all shades of opinion except our own, we did not standby and leave things to happen. We considered Gambia as our own homeland that we have the sovereign right to take part in developing at each stage of its development. This is why we took our time to address the following letter to the National Consultative Committee dated 26 December 1994. As we recollect the coup period it is necessary to share the content in full with the Gambian people, especially the youth so that the facts would be distinguished from the fiction. This letter was written when the members of the Committee were being attacked by some members of the council. Many did not know about the arrest of Musa Manneh for circulating our petition for a National Conference and few knew that there was a split in the council which at the material time of establishing the Consultative Committee could have flared into a power struggle. Hence we knew exactly what to say to help guide the Consultative Committee and restrain the AFPRC. LETTER TO THE NATIONAL CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE On The Programme And Timetable For Transition To Democratic And Constitutional Government In The Gambia Halifa Sallah, P.O.Box 2306, Serrekunda, The Gambia. The Secretary, National Consultative Committee Parliament Building Independence Drive, BANJUL 26th December, I994 RE: AN OBJECTIVE REVIEW OF THE AFPRC’S TRANSITION PROGRAMME AND TIMETABLE Two weeks have elapsed since your Consultative Committee emerged on the historical stage. The birth of the Committee engendered high expectations. Some even perceived the development with disbelief. However, those whose conceptions are tempered with the rudiments of objectivity cannot fail to realise that what was taking place at the time of the inauguration of your Committee was not an accident; on the contrary, it was a development that was indeed prescribed by the objective realities of the current situation in our country. No-one can dispute the fact that the moment is indeed ripe to explore new views and concepts concerning the transition process. This is precisely the reason why not a single person dared to say that the establishment of your Committee was not a step in the right direction. Of course, just because there is no hostile reception to the setting up of your Committee does not mean that your work is by any means easy. Those who are conscious of the difficulty associated with the task of constituting a special apparatus which has the competence to take important decisions that are required to address the most complex of historical problems which can ever confront a country, that is, how to prevent national discord and promote national concord during this process of transition to a constitutional and democratic existence, know full well that your task is a most difficult one. However, it is equally indisputable that it is a hundred times more difficult to put off a fire than to exercise care and vigilance to prevent its conflagration. Hence, the fact that our material conditions have made the agenda for dialogue necessary and desirable connotes that half the work necessary to ensure a peaceful transition to a democratic and constitutional government is done. The rest depends on the innovative capacity of your Committee members, in particular, and the maturity and sincerity of all those you are accorded the mandate to consult. Before going into the heart of my analysis, it is necessary to make certain preliminary remarks. Frankly speaking, once your Committee started its operations I felt that the opportunity had come to know the true state of mind of the Gambian people. I therefore made a pledge to be among the last persons to state my opinion so as not to exercise undue influence on the preliminary debates. The important thing was simply to contribute an enlightened opinion at the end which could be of relevance in framing the ultimate proposals of your Committee. Unfortunately, recent events have compelled me to address my concerns to you sooner than expected. In short, the comments of the extremists who either say that the AFPRC should hand over power immediately or that they should stay forever seem to be a manifestation of an unthinking attitude among some people which does not reflect the serious attitude required to deal with a most important problem. Furthermore, the adverse reports in the national and international media regarding the recalling of the members of the National Consultative Committee, which is attributed to the contradictions which arose when a public meeting of a sub-committee of the Consultative Committee in Basse was stopped by the Commissioner, as well as the claims and counter claims made in respect to the honesty and integrity of members of the Consultative Committee, have started to inject doubts in the minds of some as to whether the whole exercise should be taken seriously. In this regard, it is obvious to every honest person that the moment has arrived for each of us to give a careful thought to the factors that are a prerequisite to the successful achievement of your task. It is now urgent to abandon utterly indefensible, and unreasonable comments concerning the consultative exercise and the timetable. The APPRC can neither hand over power immediately nor stay in power indefinitely. The Consultative Committee should not give more weight to the adverse comments made than the importance of the task they are entrusted to fulfill. Comments that the AFPRC did not consult anybody when it was coming to power and should not consult anybody now regarding how long it should stay in power are utterly counter-productive and senseless. It is obvious to any honest person that it is better for the people to have a say than to have no say at all. Every expansion of the democratic space is a gain, a step towards democratic existence. In my view, what is important now is for each of us to realise that we are now dealing with the destiny of our country and the very basis of our existence. If we fail to subordinate our selfish interests to the national interest; if we make an error in our judgment and thus negate the possibility of engineering a timetable that could be considered reasonable by every honest person, history shall punish us just as it has punished other nations which have been plunged into the abyss of chaos and civil war. The situation demands exemplary maturity. Your Committee must bear in mind that in the realm of any diplomatic mediation activity, conflicts or contradictions are unavoidable because of the contradictory interests at stake. In fact, it is the very fact that a contradiction is inherent in the very “Body politic” of this country that necessitated the establishment of your Consultative Committee. Contradiction therefore, lies in the womb of every historical process. It is the resolution of such contradictions which constitutes the basis of historical evolution and development. Those who fear contradictions are not mature or committed yet to shoulder the responsibility of presiding over historical conflicts with a view to ensuring their resolution. Mediation requires the unflinching determination to overcome all obstacles to achieve success. Your Committee must strive to insulate itself from all comments which seek to sap your enthusiasm or deter you from achieving your mission. Of course, there are those who will be telling you that you are wasting your time; that the intensification of the contacts of the AFPRC with the people should be interpreted to mean that they will finally throw your recommendations in the dustbin. However, it can be equally argued that it would be illogical or absurd for the AFPRC to take a determined initiative to try to explain their concerns to the people if they are not ready to attach importance to the outcome of your task. Hence, whatever the future complications may be, even if the AFPRC were to reject your recommendations you should always be sure of one thing, that your task constitutes a vital link in the evolutionary chain of the democratization process. It may be the final link or just a necessary phase. Notwithstanding, its importance cannot be over emphasised. Events are marching forward very rapidly. The opportunity provided for dialogue must he seized so that the Gambia can be an example of how civil strife can be avoided through the display of maturity by her citizens. This requires a certain mode of conduct from every member of your Committee. In short, in private and in public, none of you should sow the seed of skepticism in connection with your Work. Each of you must take himself or herself seriously so that your work could he taken seriously. You must fence yourselves from the praises and flatteries of the different interest groups, national and international which may seek to direct your minds to myopic ends. You must be determined to come up with such sound, realistic and well fortified proposals which can only he rejected with the risk of being legitimately deemed to be unreasonable and insincere. Let me emphasise with all the emphasis I can command that history has now confronted you with a most important task; a task that is as important as that which confronted those who attended the Constitutional Conferences preceding the introduction of universal suffrage in The Gambia in 1960. In short, you have been made the midwives whose roles it is to guide the delivery of an acceptable, realistic framework for a peaceful transition to a democratic and constitutional arrangement. Your work requires the assimilation of certain characteristics if it is to be performed without fear or favour, affection or ill-will. First and foremost, your task requires you to assume the impartiality of the upright and incorruptible judge. It calls for ears that would be lent to all who have something to say without allowing prejudices or interests to over-ride clear vision, the honesty to consider and accept in evidence all relevant information, the maturity and sincerity to be able to rise above sentiments to weigh evidence and arrive at a decision which is seen to be balanced, right and proper. Your task requires you to be the eyes and ears of the country. Some people have argued that your Committee lacks personalities who are experienced in matters of governance and by that very fact cannot be effective. I beg to differ with such an opinion. In my view what is important at this stage is not who does what but what is to be done is done and is seen to be done. Representation by its very nature calls for the inclusion and exclusion of some people. All cannot occupy centre stage. What is important is to ensure that even if one is at the periphery one would make one’s views known so that they can serve as ingredients in the shaping of the decisions of those at the centre. This letter is written to make a humble submission of views which you may wish to take into consideration in the formulation of your recommendations. THE STRATEGIC OBJECTIVE OF THE CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE The people are indeed the commanders of their destiny. However, they do not always have full control of the situation in order to direct their destiny as they desire. In many instances diverse interests, levels of understanding and strivings may serve to undermine or militate against the forging of common will to shape a common destiny and thus negate the attainment of our universal quest for liberty, prosperity and happiness. Hence, if the future is to be shaped the demands of the present must be known. This is the only way of knowing the foundation on which our plans have to rest in shaping the future. The question now arises: What are the demands of the situation? What is the strategic objective of your committee? The answer is simple. The strategic objective is to lead the Gambia to a democratic and constitutional existence. The task before you is how to develop a realistic transition programme and framework to facilitate a democratic and constitutional mode of governance. This requires the examination of all factors that are required before a realistic programme and timetable could be shaped. THE FACTORS TO CONSIDER Your Consultative Committee needs to bear in mind that there are three angles in this particular geometry that is. The Gambian people, the AFPRC, the Armed forces and the International Committee. What are the elements which should be of major concern to the Gambian people? What are the concerns of the AFPRC and the army? What are the concerns of the international community? It is the task of your Consultative Committee to provide answers to such questions so that through TO BE CONT. PDOIS STATEMENT ON 22ND JULY 2013 The Young Should Be Told The Truth ISSUED BY HALIFA SALLAH SECRETARY GENERAL 31 July 2013 Part 9 (The publication in Issue No. 155, 2013 is an error and should be ignored.) CONTINUATION OF HALIFA SALLAH’S LETTER TO THE NATIONAL CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE DATED 26 DECEMBER 1994 THE FACTORS TO CONSIDER Your Consultative Committee needs to bear in mind that there are three angles in this particular geometry, that is, the Gambian people, the AFPRC and the armed forces and international community. What are the elements which should be of major concern to the Gambian people? What are the concerns of the AFPRC and the army? What are the concerns of the international community? It is the task of your consultative committee to provide answers to such questions so that through the cross fertilisation of conceptions derived from various sectors, a transition programme and timetable could be engineered which could be deemed practicable by all reasonable people. THE CONCERNS OF GAMBIANS AS A SOVEREIGN PEOPLE While there can be a people without a government, there can be no government without a people to govern. Herein lies the reason why the interest of the people must be put at the centre of any discourse concerning the issue of governance. It is evident that independent sovereign republics are products of the struggles of peoples to assert the right to self determination. Suffice it to say, rights connote the expression of legality, and legality is an expression of authority derived from instruments providing for its existence. This is precisely why the birth of sovereign Republics came with constitutional instruments establishing the sovereign status of such Republics. Such constitutional instruments define qualifications for citizenship, spell out the fundamental rights and freedoms of citizens, establish representative institutions and stipulate the qualification and duties of the representatives as well as their mode of selection and removal, indicate how representatives are to administer a country, define the role of the administrators of law, the public servants as well as explain how foreign policy is to be concluded. Hence the administration of a Sovereign Republic is inconceivable without a constitutional or legal framework elaborating on all the structures and functions required for its running. These provisions should be known to all citizens of a country before they can be considered to know their rights and duties. Civic education in its most skeletal form embodies the sensitization of the people to know all the structures and functions associated with the management of the affairs of their country and their role in the building up and operation of those structures and functions associated with the management of the affairs of their country to ensure the realisation of their needs and aspirations. This implies that there can be no proper civic education or transition to democratic constitutional existence without the establishment of a constitutional instrument which would embody the nature and characteristics of the mode of government of a country. Of course while constitutions may be similar in form they may not necessarily tally in content. For example, some constitutions do establish birth as a criterion for citizenship; others do emphasise the origins of parents and grandparents as a precondition for citizenship; some do guarantee the 16 and 18 year olds the right to vote while others put the voting age at 21. Some do permit a 21 year old to be a head of state, while others put it at 30 and 35 years. Some give authority to a head of state to appoint ministers, justices of superior courts, heads of public institutions, etc., while others make it a requirement to get the approval of representative institutions. Some constitutions make provisions for members of representative institutions to appoint ministers. Some constitutions make provisions for members of representative bodies or assemblies to be removed from office for misconduct and maladministration; others enable representatives to legitimise misrepresentation. Some constitutions give presidents the absolute power to contract treaties; others make it conditional for treaties to be ratified by representative bodies before they become binding. Some give representative immunities from criminal and civil proceedings; others make them subject to such proceedings like other citizens. Some constitutions reserve the right to appoint judges to a judicial commission; others vest the power to appoint judges to the president. Hence it is clear that there is much elasticity in the construction of the provisions of constitutions. Constitutions can be made to truly ensure the empowerment of the people and the accountability of representatives and thus bar maladministration or minimize it. Hence those who see the existence of constitutions as obstacle to effective administration of a country may not yet be acquainted with the right constitutional framework or are yet to be honest enough to realize the inefficiency, arbitrariness, unpredictability and the personalization of the decision making process which is associated with rule according to the unknown and ever changing wishes of any given authority. Hence it is indisputable that constitutions are indispensable instruments which enable the running of the affairs of a sovereign republic predictable, consistent and scrutinisable by the citizens of a sovereign republic. Hence the putting in place of a constitutional arrangement is a fundament concern in determining the longevity and programme of the transition period. Your consultative committee must try to get an idea whether all key players in this transition equation deem the 1970 republican constitution to be adequate or whether there is need for constitutional reform. It should be able to get an idea of how long it will take to carry out constitutional reforms and what institutions would be required to effect them. This is one important consideration. Let me move to the second. Bloodshed and civil strife have taught human beings that if countries fail to establish systems which will enable their peoples to have a sense of belonging, irrespective of tribe, race, religion, gender or other sectionalist considerations, they are bound to disintegrate. This is precisely the reason why enlightened humanity has discovered that the best way of ensuring that sectionalist interests are not defended by force at the expense of the vast majority is to empower the people to determine their manner of representation. In this respect humankind has discovered no better or effective instrument in determining or changing representation in a peaceful way than a free and fair voting system. Suffice it to say that if the people of a country have no other concern in casting their votes but to select representatives who will administer a country to protect the dignity, liberty and prosperity of each and the general welfare, warfare based on tribe, race, religion or other sectionalist considerations is likely to be minimized or averted. Hence, a transition to a democratic and constitutional existence is inconceivable without a free and fair electoral system. Hence every enlightened Gambian should he concerned that a free and fair voting system is in place and known to the people before there can he a genuine transition to democratic and constitutional existence. In this respect, there is no dispute. The Gambian people, the AFPRC and the International Community agree that there should be a transition to a democratic and constitutional arrangement. In fact the AFPRC refers to its programme as a programme of rectification and transition to democratic constitutional rule. A review of the timetable would reveal that it intends to establish a Constitutional Review Commission in December 1995 and electoral reforms in December, 1996. However it intends to conduct civic education in January 1995. Clearly education must be preceded by the provision of the materials on the subject of the education. I will give irrefutable arguments why constitutional review and electoral reforms should be preceded by civic education in my alternative proposals. Furthermore, the timetable also envisages the holding of a referendum in September. 1996; the election of a Constituent Assembly in September. 1997; local government elections in March, 1998 and general and presidential election in November, 1998. 1 will analyse these proposals to show the expenses involved in voting and the need to harmonise these various voting schedules and thus produce a more realistic and defensible timetable. Let me now proceed to examine the concerns of the International Community. THE CONCERNS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY It is true that the Gambia is a sovereign republic. It is in accordance with the dictates of international law that no country has a right to violate the sovereignty, territorial integrity, independence and unity of another country. If the conception is restricted to this, then one may he tempted to say that foreign governments have no right to play a part in the determination of a timetable for a transition to democratic and constitutional existence. However, we would be exceeding the bounds of reality if we conclude that the Gambia can be isolated from all other countries. There is no need to dispute essentials. The fact of the matter is that just as the Gambia is a sovereign republic other countries arc also sovereign republics. Since sovereign republics must relate, they are bound to relate on the basis of equality or dependency. International relations teaches that two policy options had governed relations between nations - the principle of the supremacy of the national interest and the principle of mutual interest. The fact of the matter is that the more countries are economically self reliant the less vulnerable they are to foreign pressures, the more they can relate to other countries on the basis of mutual interest, the more they would he able to ensure that foreign countries do not encroach on their sovereign right to self determination. However the more dependent a country is the more it could be subjected to economic pressures by foreign governments. The fact of the matter is that the former government had done nothing to build an economy which is not completely dependent on aid. Hence, foreign aid is not just a supplement to our national efforts; it is the driving force behind development projects in the country. A review of the economic figures of the previous government would reveal that between 80 to 90 percent of’ the Development Budget had always been financed through foreign loans and grants. This should not he confused with the Recurrent Budget which is relied on to pay salaries. It is of course, a myth for anyone to believe that donor support is a sustainable basis for development. However, it is equally a myth to claim that donor support is not vital to the Gambian economy at this stage. Hence what must be borne in mind is that the crises that many developed countries are undergoing have been forcing them to cut down on aid. Even though it matters very little to some governments what type of government a country has, it has become a foreign policy instrument to consider certain factors in order to he able to ration aid. Suffice it to say that the current trend of democratisation in the world has enabled donor countries to put the question of democratisation high in the agenda as far as the rationing of aid is concerned for countries which are of least strategic or economic importance to them. This is the reality irrespective of any value judgment on whether their policy is correct or wrong, fair or unfair The views of the donor community on the timetable are already known. They have indicated that it is long. The AFPRC has also stated its position on the importance of the donor community in its rectification programme. It has categorically stated that: “The AFPRC Government reaffirms its commitment to the continued implementation of the macro economic policy measures already agreed with the Breton Woods Institutions and other development partners. “Key planned interventions such as the Strategy for Poverty Alleviation which will support efforts at citizenship empowerment and community participation; the Economic Management Sector Adjustment Loan; the National Health Development Programme; the Urban Environment Project; Public Works Capacity Building Project (GAMWORKS); the Emergence Action Plan for Increased Electricity Generation; Port Development, including the Trade Gateway Project; the Development of Yundum International Airport; the National Population Strategy and the National Environment Action Plan will receive the urgent attention of the AFPRC Government. (From the Document of.the AFPRC’s Programme) Hence, it is clear that donor support is vital for the implementation of the AFPRC’s economic programme. Since the donor community is linking its assistance to a shorter timetable their opinions should hetaken into consideration. However, I must take this opportunity to lodge a special criticism against those who are clearly exaggerating the importance of the opinions of the donor community. The defect in this posture is not the view being expressed that the opinion of the donor community should be taken into consideration: on the contrary, it lies in the fact that supreme significance is being given to the opinions of the donors and all other Considerations are given secondary importance. It is important to put everything in its proper perspective. The fact of the matter is that despite all the goodwill of the donor community over the years poverty has been the order of the day for the vast majority of people. Many countries in our sub-region are receiving the support of the donor community but they are still in crisis. Hence it is absurd for anyone to give the impression that our ultimate salvation lies in aid. However it is equally absurd for anyone to promote the view that The Gambia can survive in dignity and prosperity in a hostile international environment. Obviously to kill a country is the most difficult thing as Somalia and Liberia are showing. Any country can exist on the basis of subsistence and poverty if her people arc willing to live in poverty and squalor. However, that is not the object of national liberation. The object of national liberation is to enhance the liberty, dignity and prosperity of the people. Hence it is irrational for a people to defy the opinions of others just for the sake of defiance. Common sense teaches us that there is legitimate and defensible defiance and also absurd defiance. It depends on whether defiance will be a fetter to or will enhance the interest of a people. Hence, if the donor community says that there should he a transition to democratic constitutional existence, we must ask whether this is in the national interest. Obviously, it is in the national interest for The Gambia to move to a democratic constitutional existence. Needless to say, if the country can get some aid by taking such a step, it would be absurd to refuse to take such a step and be deprived of aid. Furthermore, if the country takes such a step and gains more international acceptability then that decision is more mature than not to take such a step and be subjected to international isolation. Needless to say, a country does have both internal and external security considerations to make. To be submerged in a hostile international environment when it can be prevented would be absurd. In short, once a hostile international environment exists, any attempt to sabotage the existing government would receive material and moral support outside. Stability and development would be the casualty. In short, the government may spend more time and resources trying to safeguard stability than promote economic development as is the case in Sierra Leone. Hence your Consultative Committee should strive to come up with a timetable which will also take those external factors which have bearing on our national interest into consideration. This is a fundamental point to note. Let mc now proceed to the last consideration, that is, the concerns of the AFPRC and the armed forces. CONCERNS OF THE AFPRC AND THE ARMED FORCES The concerns of the AFPRC is stipulated in its “Programme of Rectification and Transition to a Democratic Constitutional Rule.” The question now arises: What is the essence of the programme? The preamble of the programme constitutes the declaration ot intention ol the AFPRC. It begins by asserting the following: “For the last thirty years one political party, the People Progressive Party (PPP) has successfully perpetuated itself in power through the exploitation of weaknesses in the electoral system.” “In collusion with a privileged few has entrenched and enriched itself while the standard of living for the majority of the people remained low, thus creating economic hardship as well as eroding fundamental social and moral values.” “Rampant corruption, weak leadership, mismanagement of public funds and inefficiency in government, unfulfilled promises, complacency and a record of failure in the implementation of projects which were meant to improve the lives of Gambians, have led to growing frustrations and disappointment.” The question now arises: What does the AFPRC intend to do? According to the preamble: “The armed forces of The Gambia were left with no alternative but to intervene and make immediate provision for the better governance of The Gambia through the eradication of corruption and mismanagement, recovery of public assets, electoral reform measures which will ensure the establishment of a viable democratic institutions that would uphold.....the principles of public accountability, transparency and probity; free and fair elections which will prevent the seIf perpetuation of any govermnent in power; and lay down a strong basis for a sustainable democratic system and a new era of freedom and social progress.” Now, objective analysis of the preamble of the AFPRC indicates two fundamental aims. One aim is to combat corruption and mismanagement and ensure the recovery of public assets and promote transparency and accountability. The second aim is to ensure electoral reform so that elections can be free and fair thus instituting a sustainable democratic system. These are the declared strategic objectives of the AFPRC. In this respect, there is convergence of views between the three sectors. It is also only natural that once aims are declared the next thing that should follow is the drawing up of a programme of action and a time frame for their implementation. Suffice it to say that a programme of action can only be dynamic if it is arranged in such a way that what is most urgent is put in the forefront and other aspects embraced according to the demands of the situation. The question now arises: What is the essence of the programme of action of the AFPRC? Did it give primacy to its declared aim? Has it established a realistic timetable for the achievement of stated aims?These are questions of fundamental importance. TO BE CONT. PDOIS STATEMENT ON 22ND JULY 2013 The Young Should Be Told The Truth ISSUED BY HALIFA SALLAH SECRETARY GENERAL 31 July 2013
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