Set against a backdrop of defeat, for almost two decades now, attempts at cobbling together fragments of the radical left have illustrated all that is redundant in the practice of those who claim to stand for class struggle and turning the world upside down. The Socialist Labour Party was the first to crumble, this despite its not insignificant bases in the National Union of Mineworkers and other small layers of militants, Scargills party was burdened from the beginning by a control freakery that is the stock in trade of bureaucrats everywhere, even its leftist variant. Despite continuing a zombie existence, the party was effectively smothered to death soon after birth. The Socialist Alliance/Scottish Socialist Party likewise was tainted by celebrity deification and mutations of Leninist methodologies. Respect took this to another level, crumbling before what was perceived as the progressive potential of radical Islam, exchanging dance steps with clerical fascism, fawning before the disgusting reactionary that is George Galloway. The politics of subsequent projects such as Left Unity, the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition or NO2EU promise more of the same with common sense pseudo radical practice, carrying the baggage of trade union paymasters and tainted by a Stalinoid life forms that refuses to die. Politically, these sham inadequacies go little further than campaigning charities, exude a fear of radical politics, theory or genuine militancy. But what of the Anarchist movement? Even within conditions that should see it thriving, we see but limited progress and insufficient open or new thinking. The Anarchist groups may not bicker with the same severity as the Trotskyists, its genuine collaborations and cross fertilisation compare positively, but is this enough? Despite new agendas and new onslaughts, imposed upon us, with a savagery unknown in generations, it seems (more or less) to be business as usual. But is it the case that these two processes represent irreconcilable movements or does it point to the poverty of any organic movement to address the emergency before us. Our impotence in offering meaningful resistance to the breaking up of terms and conditions and the pauperisation of huge swathes within our communities requires honest accounting and remedy. Do we persist within our comfort zones, while the class goes down to a potentially historic defeat? No matter, we can blame the union bureaucracy, the control freaks and the smug condescension of the unambitious. Of course, these are all targets who deserve fire and it is true that these layers hold us back, however we perhaps need to look more critically at ourselves also, our own practices and ask, is this sufficient to deal with the situation before us? The unity projects of the left failed because they feared openness, theory and genuine anti-capitalist or revolutionary practice. Phantom armies of Labour reformists and the wo/man on the street were sought and supposedly had to accommodated. Treating the activist and the class like children, the reality of global politics were hidden from earshot, cocooned in an alternative reality that spoke a social democratic language to the ghosts of a welfare state, that no longer exists . Guided by supposed revolutionaries, exuding narrow mindedness, lack of self-belief and timidity on the one hand, with amateur lifestyle voyeurism on the other. The continual wasting of effort and resources on electioneering and the fawning before representative democracy at a time when belief in the politicians and the system crumbles beggars belief. While freedom, autonomy and choice are critical, it shouldnt now be a case of how, as radically inclined human beings we choose to use our time, but rather how we educate, agitate and organise others and with others, that is important? From here, the discussion needs to begin in our localities and beyond, of how we make the connections between diffuse struggles and create co-ordination between militants, politically. Developing unity, like we do on demonstrations, as together when we face down the fascists, or instinctively as evidenced in our best practice within campaigns. To the uninitiated, these aspirations may seem reflected within the Peoples Assembly movement, a libertarian, bottom up effort of all against the 1%? While open arms need to be outstretched to individual activists and practice where it is good, the Peoples Assembly movement is wedded to and funded by the labour bureaucracy and seeks to be to the Labour Party as UKIP is to the Tories, a politics lite Tea Party formation led by celebs and in hock to those in the workers movement who hold us back. What then can we do in this emergency? Rather than cobbling together electoral fronts, we should be developing a theory and practice that works and developing responses to the reality of capitalist crisis. We can unite over community and workplace organising, the developing of anti-capitalist culture and the creating of resources for our people, acting as a rallying point for those in the workers movement who want to fight. Unity in action and on-going discussion over where we have gone wrong hitherto would seem logical. Organisations and individuals within the anti-capitalist millieu need to consider how we can become a movement of thousands and and beyond that be part of the movement of millions. We need to be more co-ordinated, more visible and more effective. Together in a federation. As the Trotskyist movement goes through what could be decades of slow death, the space exists for genuine revolutionary politics to take its place, creating real political spaces where advances can be made. The time approaches surely, for the political formation of a Radical Workers Bloc.
Posted on: Fri, 22 Nov 2013 18:58:18 +0000
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