The Origin Of The Gbagyi Tribe (2): By M.R. Is’haq Succession Amongst the Kaduna Gbagyi there are two different customs relating to the succession of chiefs. By one method it passes to the son or, failing him, the younger brother of the late chief. The second system alternates between two families, but a chief does not inherit the throne, until a full year after his predecessor’s death. After this period a feast is held which lasts for eight days. On the last day the head wife of the late chief is produced and bathed. She is then clothed in the deceased’s trousers and robes and dons his sword. The people, who have all assembled to see her come out from the house, acknowledge that the chief is not dead but has come back. All the men salute her before dispersing. That same day the late chief’s eldest son is taken away and hidden for seven days, whilst a robe and a cap are made for him out of nine pieces of cloth. These are then taken to his house, where four young girls massage him. The townsmen reassemble with offereings of a ram, a he-goat, fowls and beer, with which they enter his house. These animals are slaughtered with the knife of the late chief, and after it is sprinkled with blood they say “Oh knife, behold thy husband (referring to the late chief’s son), may his town be prosperous. We marry thee to him, do thou give him prosperity for the sake of his parents and forefathers. May he rule the village well.” The elders then inform the district head who has been chosen and he obtains a rawani (robe), cap and sandals, and confirms the appointment. The ceremony is concluded by seven days’ feasting. Etiquette On meeting a superior a Gbagyi will kneel and sprinkle dust on his head, while he touches his forehead several times with the palm of his hand. On formal occasions, a heap of ashes is provided in place of dust, and is sprinkled in the same way before the man advances to make his salute. After his greeting, he returns to the ashes and repeats the procedure two more times. Administration All these districts are administered by a council of chiefs and elders, under the chairmanship of a head-man who has, however, no independent authority. In the emirates he is responsible to the emir. The social organisation is in families, all of whom live together in one ward where each man has his own house. Before the advent of the Fulani, there was no evidence as to what form of taxation existed – probably only gaisuwa as in Kuta, but subsequently, gandu and jangali were commonly collected, as well as a gaisuwa of varying amounts from different districts. For instance, the people of Bosso paid fifty slaves annually, the average value being 200,000 cowries a head. The administration of law varies considerably according to districts, but it was customary for the head-man to judge all cases in the presence of the chiefs (sarakuna). Resultantly, a fine of cowries and goats, which usually formed part of the sentence, was divided amongst the court. Serious crimes were brought before the suzerain. A murderer in Bosso and in Kuta invariably fled and was not pursued, but his compound, with all its occupants and belongings were confiscated. Half was given to the family of the victim, a quarter to the head-man and a quarter to the elders. The relatives of a murderer could condone their share in the offence by immediately bringing a goat and a cow to the head-man, who divides it amongst elders. A murderess was sent back to her father and remained outside the township. If a stranger committed a murder the aggrieved villager was allowed to kill any member of the murderer’s community. Fourteen years was the age when a boy became responsible for his own crimes. In Fuka the suzerain habitually awarded slavery in punishment for all serious crimes. Were a foreigner to commit theft, he was invariably killed. In Gini, he was caught and sold into slavery. In Bosso and Kuta a thief was obliged to make full restitution, in addition to the court fee of two cows or two hundred cowries. For assault a man was fined one cow or a hundred cowries. Anyone abroad at night and failing to answer to a challenge was shot. Girls and boys under 10 years of age were not tried. Their relatives were held responsible. The matter was usually settled with the head-man. In Abuja, small offences were dealt with by the village or district head, but cases of crime had to be appealed to the Sarkin Abuja, who held both the criminal and his family to ransom for the crimes. A murderer was punished by death. The Gbagyin Yamma punish murder and theft alike by death, manslaughter by compensation and rape by a fine of 20,000 to 100,000 cowries. Land Tenure In Kuta, all parcels of land are owned by the community and every village has well-known boundaries, be they in the bush or in cultivated land. Disputes over village boundaries are settled by the district chief in council, and disputes over farm boundaries by the village head-man and his elders. The village head-man has power to make a grant of any land within his boundary not already granted to someone else. The man to whom the grant is made will pay one bundle of guinea-corn the first year. Land so granted cannot be taken away again and is held by the grantee in perpetuity, but it cannot be alienated, except by voluntary resignation, to the village head-man. Farm lands permanently deserted, i.e., not merely resting, automatically revert to the village head-man. A grant of land obtained from the village head-man within the village for building purpose is also a permanent grant. If, however, there is a debt on the house, i.e., in default of payment, the builder can enter and occupy it if he so wishes. The house can be redeemed at any time by the grantee of the land or his successors. All trees are the property of the occupant of the land on which they grow. Trees in open spaces are the property of the head-man of the village, who holds them as he does the unoccupied bush, on behalf of the community at large, and trees in the market are similarly the property of the Sarkin Kasuwa. Locust bean, spondias lutea, shea-butter (dorowa, dunya, kadainya) and other fruit-bearing bearing or good shade trees, may not be cut in the bush. Other trees can be cut. Rivers and streams belong to the owners of the land on either bank, but anyone can draw water. Fish are the property of the owners of the streams. Streams in unoccupied bush and water lying in marshland are public property and anyone can fish in them. Strangers, however, may only fish with the permission of the head-man in whose territory the water is, and a present of six to ten fishes is made at the commencement of the fishing. The Fulani get permission to graze their cattle from the village head-man and make a present of a sheep or a small cow according to the size of the herd. In the case of damage to crops, if the damage is not made good by the herdsmen, the dispute is settled by the village head-man and his council. The same principle obtains throughout all the Gbagyi districts. Land is communal and the rights of occupancy are granted by the head-man of the district. Though trees on the farm are the property of the occupier, a foreigner has no right to the enjoyment of locust bean trees. However, locust bean trees, if found in the bush, they are communal. All people who take up land in Abuja have to accept the sarki as their chief and pay him a tax, whereas it is customary elsewhere for the occupant of a farm to pay the tax to his own village chief and only pay gaisuwa to the local chief. Elsewhere, in Nasarawa, a stranger is only allowed to cultivate land at a time when the natives of that township wish it to be so. In Birnin Gwari, the head of the family obtains a right of occupancy from the sarki and all the family work on that farm, though younger sons and dependents each have little farms of their own. When no longer occupied the ground reverts to the tribe. Original link Read More goo.gl/9ispfE (y) ✍comment ☏share
Posted on: Fri, 04 Jul 2014 01:22:25 +0000