Για κοινούς πολιτικούς αγώνες: - TopicsExpress



          

Για κοινούς πολιτικούς αγώνες: ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, Podemos, μαζί 2014 ended with the failure to elect the President of the Republic in Greece, and therefore with the calling of early elections. It a step of great political importance, destined to mark one year that, in Europe, will end with the elections in Spain (where already in May they will vote for the municipalities and the autonomy). And quite clear that the Greek election will not be simple national: the heavy interference of the German government and the European Commission, is bound to increase in the coming weeks, clearly show that in the game there is the overall structure of the European institutions, redefined in recent years through the management of the crisis. The reaction of the Athens Stock Exchange to the simple announcement by Samarass decision to bring forward the presidential election on December 9th, with a fall of over 12%, the rest had already hinted what would be the role of another key player, or financial capital. Under these conditions, the game which is preparing to play SYRIZA is obviously complicated, and we really look a bit naive positions that within the European left, perhaps cloaked in political realism, propose scenarios linear overcoming of neoliberalism and dell austerity, through a recovery of national sovereignty. We believe rather than in the next elections in Greece and Spain, especially when they are considered together, they play a crucial opportunity to open new political spaces in Europe. And then go to the bottom meanwhile supported the venture SYRIZA, contributing primarily to clarify the conditions for its electoral success does not translate, as too often happened in the history of the left, in stiffening and block but rather triggers an expansive movement, tend to nature constituent. We have always believed and practiced politics beyond the electoral moment, looking first of all the movements and struggles of those who are fighting against the domination and exploitation. We continue to do so. But this does not prevent us to grasp the relevance that specific elections may have in terms of class struggle. It been so in many Latin American countries in the past decade, may be back in Greece and Spain - and then: in Europe - in 2015. The opportunity that presents itself is to break, along with the bipolarity between the Popular Party and Party European Socialists, the domain of the single thought, or of that extremism of the center which represented the political framework for the management of the crisis in Europe in recent years. Within this framework we have gone defining stabilization scenarios neo-conservative, substantial deepening of neoliberalism, radically hostile to the conquest of new spaces of freedom and equality. The attack on the living conditions, cooperation and work was indeed particularly violent, especially (but not only) in the countries of southern Europe. And l extremism of the center has come to give birth to his twin less presentable in society: a plethora of right national often openly fascist, already introduced in the social elements of violent discipline and new hierarchy. These processes and these trends have strong roots in European societies. It will not be an election to block them: and yet, the linkage between the Greek elections and the Spanish ones can open a breach in their continuity, may determine that gap we need to dump the struggles of these years against austerity by a size merely Resistance; to articulate the tension finally the re-appropriation of wealth and the construction of new organizational forms that the struggles expressed in a program constituent. Is not this what they point to political forces such as SYRIZA and Podemos, and we think it would be a mistake to measure the action from this point of view. Syriza much as Podemos (which remain very different forces, both from the point of view of political culture from the point of view of history and relationship with the movements) now speak explicitly of the need to rebuild a hypothesis social democratic. We intend to: point to define a reformist project that can deal with the crisis of social democracy now definitive historical and the profound changes much capital as labor. An experiment in similar fund is underway in Thuringia, with the entry of Linke next to SPD and Green in the Provincial Government. The thing as no surprise rupture of extremism center can only raise the issue of the construction of a new fabric of mediations, the opening of spaces in which to live and work together is, to put it very simply, less hard, less painful and less tiring. We have often emphasized the structural difficulties that such a project encounters against the financial logic and mining of contemporary capitalism. But the very fact that it is fielded (especially under the pressure of the great struggles of recent years in Greece and Spain) it seems important in itself. It can determine the conditions for the eruption of new movements, can help to qualify in a more advanced struggles - or to put explicitly the question of a political struggles. Can do: it is on this that you play the most important game. It is said in recent weeks, in the European debate, which is to defeat the fear and get back to winning. We are convinced we. Provided that win is not reduced to the affirmation of the electoral strength of the left as SYRIZA (or populist in the sense given to the term by Ernesto Laclau, as Podemos). We have already said what we appear important outcomes of the upcoming Greek elections and Spain. And as much as SYRIZA Podemos represent significant changes to the extent that they have been able to open (we repeat: under the pressure of big fights) new political spaces, irreducible to old and threadbare nomenclatures. But it is precisely the exercise of a renewed political realism that prevents us from thinking that the outcome of an election can not in itself constitute a victory. Without repeating here the set of reflections of these years on the crisis of representation, on the processes of financialization, the transformations of the State within the globalization, the limits of government action now - especially within the EU - are very evident, and are well aware of the same leaders warned of more SYRIZA and Podemos. These limits can not be exceeded by a single party, much less on the basis of a simple assertion of national sovereignty. Trends and tightening the closure of several parts that are alleged to be about SYRIZA is about Podemos may perhaps be understandable bearing in mind the urgency and necessity of the elections. If you were consolidated, however, would be catastrophic. What is needed, in contrast, is an experimental attitude of openness towards the construction and consolidation of a new plot of counter, new institutions, experiences of mature self-organizing social. And at the same time has to establish itself in the knowledge that the battle is played entirely at European level: even a hypothetical anti-austerity government action on a national scale can only aim at breaking the equilibrium established by the management of the crisis by the European institutions , to open new spaces (for example from a negotiation intransigent on the issue of debt) for the irruption of radical social movements on the European level. E on this dual capacity for openness towards social movements capable of producing their own forms of institutionalization and to the European dimension, which will evaluate the action of forces such as SYRIZA and Podemos in the coming months. And it is indeed playing on this double ridge the same movements can make a vital contribution to the definition of a program and the opening of a constitutional process. Are obviously issues that propose urgently in Italy, on the basis inter alia of the experience and the Location of the social strike will be back soon to talk about it. On a program constituting a new political ground will be gained by going beyond appeals to the expression of indignation and anger, while understandable, are likely to be the mirror of a substantial political impotence. 2015 will be a good year in Europe if we can create a more advanced to face in a perspective constituent old problems (such as the relationship between the parties, trade unions and movements, internationalism, the same relationship between reform and revolution) that recur today in radically new forms. A political struggles can recognize the problems unresolved and will not resume if not to renew the fabric: it is not what is happening today in Europe?
Posted on: Mon, 05 Jan 2015 18:13:40 +0000

Trending Topics



Recently Viewed Topics




© 2015