ជំហានដំបូង នៃការកសាងវត្តខ្មែរ នៅនិរតីខេត្តអនធារីយ៉ូ FIRST STEP OF FOUNDING KHMER BUDDHIST TEMPLES IN SOUTHWESTERN ONTARIO. ជនភៀសខ្លួនខ្មែរនៅ Ontario: អត្ថសញ្ញាណសាសនា ភាពស្អិតរមួតក្នុងសង្គម និងចំណងទាក់ទងអន្តរភាព Cambodian Refugees in Ontario: Religious Identities, Social Cohesion and Transnational Linkages Dr. Janet McLellan Professor “From l980 to l992, Canadian resettlement opportunities were provided for l8,602 Cambodians (McLellan 1995). Fewer than five of these Cambodians were Buddhist monks, most of whom continued on to the United States to join the large Cambodian temples there. Immigration totals do not include the small numbers of Cambodians who arrived prior to l980, nor do they include children subsequently born in Canada. Further, the Canadian immigration statistics do not account for the approximately one thousand Khmer Kampuchea Krom (individuals who identify themselves as ethnic Khmer but were born in Vietnam, and are, therefore, listed as Vietnamese refugees), or those Cambodians who had claimed they were Vietnamese in Thai refugee camps in order to gain a better opportunity for resettlement in Canada.” “In the Ontario cities of Toronto, Hamilton, and London, three distinct religious identities among Cambodians are evident (Buddhists from Cambodia, Kampuchea Krom and Christian Cambodian), each with its own type of transnational connections and degree of social cohesiveness. BUDDHIST KHMER FROM CAMBODIA RETAIN LIMITED TRANSNATIONAL LINKAGES, MOST INVOLVING EXTENSIVE PERSONAL RELATIONS WITH FAMILY AND FRIENDS, MEDIATED CULTURAL FORMS OF MUSIC AND DANCE, SUPPORT FOR RELIGIOUS RECONSTRUCTION, AND THE DEPENDANCE ON A SEVERELY LIMITED MONASTIC AVAILABILITY FROM CAMBODIA FOR RELIGIOUS LEADERSHIP. IN CONTRAST, KAMPUCHEA KROM, WHO ARE ETHNIC KHMER FROM VIETNAM, EXHIBIT EXTENSIVE TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS AND LINKAGES AND HAVE MERGED POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, FAMILY, RELIGIOUS, AND CULTURAL FACETS INTO A SUCCESSFUL NATIONALIST DISCOURSE THAT IS EFFECTIVELY ARTICULATED. In Vietnam, Kampuchea Krom are religious and ethnic minorities clinging tenaciously to the identity and practices of Theravada Buddhism. The distinct language and expression of Theravada Buddhism (especially in contrast to Vietnamese Mahayana Buddhism) provides the foundation of their ethnic-based nationalism and their strategy of resistance to the overt Vietnamese assimilation efforts. Although Kampuchean Krom support by lay leaders and monks has been crucial for the expansion of Cambodian Buddhist temples in Ontario, most of their transnational networks have been established apart from the larger Cambodian community. Kampuchean Krom transnational activities include mutual aid associations, professional advocacy and interest groups, unique religious organizations, and effective political mobilization in both Vietnam and globally.” “The establishment of three new Cambodian Buddhist temples in Hamilton, London, and Windsor was primarily accomplished through the organization and commitment of Kampuchea Krom monks and lay people. Despite their significant involvement, the label of not being “really Khmer” has frequently been directed towards the Kampuchea Krom. In this regard they readily acknowledge their liminal status in Cambodian communities (McLellan 2003). Because Kampuchea Krom have lived generations in Vietnam and most speak Vietnamese as a second language, their identities as Khmer are different from the ethnic Khmer who were born and raised in Cambodia. Much of the suspicion directed towards Kampuchea Krom is rooted in the centuries old aggression and mistrust between Cambodia and Vietnam. Further, Kampuchea Krom were not subject to the genocidal regime of the Khmer Rouge and thus do not manifest the same degree of psychological trauma and distrust, or limited social capital. In Toronto and Hamilton, Kampuchea Krom feel they are not fully accepted by ethnic Khmer, and so tend to remain marginal to Khmer community networks and associations, keeping a low profile in leadership positions. The one exception has been their dedicated involvement in sponsoring Kampuchean Krom monks and in facilitating the purchase and support of the new temples. Although the Cambodian community directly benefits by the presence and activities of these temples, the Cambodian Khmer leadership is not entirely supportive, remaining suspicious of the Kampuchea Krom political advocacy and their innovations in Buddhist practice and organization. At the temple in Hamilton, for example, the Kampuchea Krom monk has re-introduced the traditional alms round, but since the surrounding neighbourhood is primarily non-Khmer, participating monks stop only at homes known to offer food. This monk is extensively involved in multi-faith and co-religious Buddhist activities (he is fluent in English, Khmer and Vietnamese); has organized annual summer ordination ceremonies for Cambodian youth, and extended the temporary ordination opportunity to young Khmer women; has ordained a young Caucasian monk who resides at the temple; and is the first monk in Ontario to open the Cambodian temple and Theravada Buddhist training to non-Khmer interested in meditation practice (McLellan 2003). Some 130 Kampuchea Krom families live in Ontario (personal interview June 22/02 with the Director of the Kampuchea Krom National Association of Canada). In the early years of resettlement, relations with Cambodian-born Buddhist community leaders in Toronto were strong and joint activities common, but once the Toronto Cambodian temple stabilized financially and organizationally, changing attitudes of the temple board and leaders created difficulties (ibid). These attitudes caused many Kampuchea Krom to focus more on their own concerns. Some, however, continue to work on Cambodian Khmer committees. The availability and training of Kampuchea Krom monks also creates tension. Kampuchea Krom monks tend to be well-educated and speak English, making them attractive candidates to meet community and youth needs. For over one hundred years in Vietnam, Kampuchea Krom temples have actively retained a Khmer cultural and national identity through advocacy, education, community activities, and constant efforts to resist Vietnamese attempts to assimilate the youth. Vietnamese policies to rename Kampuchea Krom communities to dispel their Cambodian distinction were weakened when the name of the village temple became an informal identifier. Monks from the network of Kampuchea Krom temples in Vietnam are the crux of the Kampuchea Krom Khmer identity among those in diaspora. Monks are encouraged to go overseas for education to keep abreast of modern media technology in order to retain links with Kampuchea Krom outside of Vietnam. Kampuchea Krom monasticism is seen as a vocation, an essential calling to help support people to retain ethno-religious identity. It is not surprising that the Kampuchea Krom temples are said to be affiliated with the Thommayuth (reformist) movement (Director of the Kampuchea Krom National Association of Canada, June 02). In contrast, since the majority of Cambodian temples are Mohanikay (more traditional rural-based approach with an emphasis on ritual practices), they are not seen as “progressive” or “modern.” Becoming a monk in one of these temples is rarely a vocation, but more frequently a short phase for a young man previous to his marriage. In Ontario, Kampuchea Krom youth are active participants in maintaining the global Kampuchea Krom identity, constructing their own web-sites and posting networks. Kampuchea Krom monks in Ontario play an active role in the United Association of Kampuchea Krom Buddhist Monks, regularly attending and organizing the annual meetings in Australia, France, United States, Canada, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The issues raised through these transnational meetings extend beyond Khmer Buddhism to broader social interests, such as participation in interracial and interfaith forums (ibid). The largest transnational organization is the World (International) Kampuchea Krom Association, which involves monks, political leaders, professionals, academics, and interested individuals. Association activities include media broadcasts, websites, magazines, the production of videos and CDs, Dragon Boat races, political advocacy for the recognition of Kampuchea Krom (e.g., a delegate accompanied the Clinton Presidential visit to Vietnam in 2001), and participation in global organizations such as the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO), which includes over fifty peoples such as the Tibetans, Taiwanese, and former East Timors (ibid). To maintain these international connections and keep informed of new developments, monks and laypeople from Canada also attend the World Convention of Kampuchea Krom, held every four or five years in different countries. Kampuchea Krom in Canada recognize the important role of Buddhism in helping to retain a Khmer minority identity in their new country, and are willing to organize and work together with Khmer from Cambodia. The successful strategies employed by Kampuchea Krom to preserve an ethnic Khmer identity in Vietnam could be utilized by ethnic Khmer from Cambodia to help develop and maintain their Buddhist identity in Canada. Differences remain between the two groups, however, and the collective memories of each are quite distinct: Kampuchea Krom utilize the Thommayuth classical approach to Buddhism, while Khmer from Cambodia are more familiar with the ritualism of Mohanikay; Kampuchea Krom monks are more politically and socially active; and most importantly, the Kampuchea Krom never experienced the ultimate powerlessness, unrelenting fear, horror, and hopelessness of those who survived the Pol Pot regime in Cambodia. The lingering psychological trauma experienced by Khmer from Cambodia is an enormous challenge that has not been adequately addressed, either within the community or by psychiatrists, centres for Victims of Torture, Community Health Services, and Childrens Aid in Ontario (McLellan 1995). The after affects of mistrust, apathy, and the lack of support to improve their lives relentlessly impact on the difficulties of Cambodians in resettlement, including their ability to seek help. Buddhist beliefs and practices continue to provide the only culturally appropriate modes of healing and intervention, through ritual practices or consultations with a Buddhist monk, and on occasion, a nun. Yet, most Cambodians are only willing to address and identify their deep lingering trauma and its consequences if the monk is “true” Cambodian and can thereby relate to their own experiences.”
Posted on: Sat, 11 Oct 2014 12:01:27 +0000
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