Muslim Role in the Freedom Movement: Here, by Muslim, I mean Kaman, Myedu and Rohingya. There are two categories of Muslims in Arakan. One speaking Rakhine dialect and the other speaking Rohingya dialect. But both have close ethnic and cultural affinity. We see the same phenomenon amongst the Karen and Mon of Burma proper. Many Karen and Mon people do not know how to speak in their respective ethnic languages Anyhow. Muslims being minority, their role in connection with their freedom movement was not as great as the one of Rakhine and Burman. Further the role they played was not recorded or belittled in the post independence political literatures. There were many Muslim individuals who took leading role in the struggle. U Ba Shin of Sandoway was one of the eleven student leaders who decided to stage the first student strike of 1920. U Tun Sein, also from Snndoway, was first University Student Union Chairman. Thakin Zainuddin of Kyauktaw was the first Principle of Akyab National High School. U Pho Khaing of Akyab was an active member of “Do Bama Asie Ayone” His daughter Daw Aye Nyunt too took active part in Thakin movement and it was said she had a special relationship with Bo Rang Aung, commander of BIA in Arakan front. Advocate Yasin, Molvi Abdur Rehman, Tanevi Marakan, Gain Maiakan were also active leaders in Arakan, who were engaged in freedom movement activities in Arakan. Gain Marakan and Sultan Mahmood were E. C. members of all Arakan National Unity Organization. When Ba-Ma-Ka (Burma Muslim Congress) took active part in Pa-Sa-Pha-La, its branch in Arakan, took part in Arakan branch of Pha-Sa-Pa-La, too. Muslims groups in many towns resisted British occupation at the very beginning in 1825. So in the war report of first Anglo-Burma war, we found Qazi Abdul Karim of Minbya was arrested and kept in Calcutta jail. Elderly people still say, Bandoola had recruited many Muslims, rank and file, from Arakan. There were many whom British had……….. given capital punishment for helping the Japanese force when first entered Bulhidaung. The death sentence of Ustad Kala Mean, of Kywin Daing, Buthidaung was a famous case. He was shot to death in Boli Bazaar, the headquarter of British army then. Farooq Raja of Sein Daing, Buthidaung was honored with a revolver by the Japanese for his service in maintaining law and order in that area after British withdrawal. Muslims of Northern Arakan firstly afraid of the Japanese, but after some months, they became familiar and friendly with Japanese. U Thein Maung of Myebon and another U Thein Maung of Kyauk Pru were also active and senior participants in Thakin movements. There are many Rohingyas who got the prize of “Naing Ngan Gonyi” and “Lutlat Yei Mokun”: U Kadir of Minbya is still alive. Further there are a lot many unrecorded individuals who worked with local nationalist. It is locally said the famous Mujahid leader Bo Qassim was once the assistant of Bo Kra HIa Aung, Chairman of so called (Underground) Arakan National Unity and Independence Party. British Re-Entered into Arakan British had its forward outpost at the other side of the Naf River They re-entered into Arakan in late 1944. They organized an army in the name of Victory Force (V-Force), with recruits from local Muslims of Arakan. Marshal Slim says, though they were initially untrained, later along with the whole front, the V-Force became important and valuable part of intelligence framework for the Blitish.305 British made a declaration, whereby: the status of a Muslim area was promised. They set up an interim administration. The peace committees of Japanese time, with Muslim leaders as their heads, were preserved. Such political prominence once again accorded to the Muslims, they helped them to reinstate the area and take the lead until 1948. Worth of notice is the fact that whilst the Rakhine returnees preferred the south of Rathedaung, the Muslims preferred to the north of Rakhine.306 By 1945, the demographic structure of former Akyab District had suffered a major upheaval, and Muslim had outnumbered in most part of the district. British forces fought fierce battle against the Japanese. The impact of war was great on the people of Northern Arakan. British were successful in penetrating into Southern Arakan in late 1944 and early 1945. Japanese army retreated sometime with heavy casualties. Arakan at the Eve of Independence With the advent to the power of Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPL) and General Aung San in 1947, Rakhine Muslims (or) Rohingyas demanded an independent region with a large degree of autonomy within the Union of Burma. Before independence, there were a lot of Indians in Arakan. Some of them had voiced the notion of separation. But the Rohingyas did not favor it. Jinnah himself assured General Aung San that he was not in support of the plan.307 Burmese Government, however, turned a blind eye to the demand of Muslim outcry. Rakhine the foe of Rohingya during the war was taking the administration. Rakhines replaced the vast majority of Muslim local notables and civil servants installed by British. Some Rakhine internally displaced during the communal riot of 1942 were returned and Muslims who occupied their land, removed. Rakhine hardliners strongly suggested expelling these Muslims to India. All these acts of Pre-lndependence period, as many had assessed, led the Muslims to an uprising, which we will study in a separate chapter. In March 1946, General Aung San visited Akyab, where he assured the Muslim leaders; advocate U Pho Khaing, advocate U Yasin. advocate U Khalilur Rehman and Sultan Mahmood (Ex-Health Minister), of the full national rights in post independence Burma. Most interesting and note worthy is the fact that on the very day of Bokyoke Aung San’s martyrdom, he had a special appointment with Muslim M.L.Cs. from Northern Arakan, Mr. Sultan Ahmed of Maungdaw and Mr Abdul Gaffar of Buthidaung, in connection with the nationality and political status of Muslims or Rohingyas of Arakan. He (Bokyoke) had also assigned Sultan Mahmood and U Aung Zan Wai to go Maungdaw and Buthidaung, so as to organize the public there for Pa-Sa-Pha-La (AFPFL). Aung Zan Wai of Arakan styled as sole representative of all Arakan peoples, where U Razak claimed to represent all Muslims of Burma. At the same time, Arakan or Northern Arakan was not in the scheduled area or hill administration. Thus Rohingyas lost the chance to attend the historic Pinlon Conference of nationalities of hill regions and plain dwelling Burman, which deprived them of their future political guarantee. In practice, Rakhine Aung Zan Wai acted against the interest of Rohinya and Muslim Razzak did nothing good for the Rohingyas either. On the eve of independence most of the Rakhine leaders were more co-operative with the Burmese leaders. They did not want to displease the Burmese leaders with whom they always show affinity of race and cultuie. Then motive perhaps, was to deprive Rohingyas of their political lights through the help of Buimese leadership. Thus Rakhine did not demand separate statehood on the time of independence and in the framing of first Burmese constitution. But after the independence most of the pre-independence time leaders became aged or died. Now the Ra-Ta-Nya group of Arakan came to the front to demand statehood for Arakan. Demand and counter demand of statehood continued Rohingya M. Ps. opposed the statehood for Arakan along with the M. Ps from Sandoway District M. P Abul Bashar from Buthidaung south put his recommendation to let them live in the sea rather than in a pond. He said unitary system is the sea where state means a pond. He said unitary system was better for a country like Burma, so as to secure its solidarity.308 Another upper house member from Buthidaung, Mr. Abdul Gaffar asked the parliament to supply them arms and ammunitions to fight against the Mujahids. He said Rohingyas are neither separatists nor fundamentalists. Once the Government treats them fairly and equally they (Rohingyas) are the first to fight the Mujahids.309 This Mujahid broke out immediately afler the independence. In the prevailing situation of discriminatory actions said above,the Muslims faced some more adverse actions and antagonistic surrounding, as the Communist and P. V. 0. branches of Arakan went underground in 1948. The Muslims feeling insecure organized an arm revolt in the name of Mujahid, though many Muslims at the same time did not want to involve in unlawful anti-state activities. This was one of the main reasons the Mujahids had to surrender, later. On the other hand various study commission appointed by the Government had had tested the public opinion throughout Arakan concerning the issue of Arakan State. But on 2nd March 1962, General Ne Win took over the state power by a coup. Parliament was dissolved and the question of Federalism and Statehood for Arakan came into a halt. British Census The population figures in British censuses became an important factor, in political deliberation of post independence Burma. Sometimes the figures are highlighted to disgrace Rohingyas and to deny them indigenous status. The first population census taken in Burma was in the year 1872, and the next one was in 1881and thereafter once in ten years. 1941 census was not completed due to the eruption of the war. Censuses in 1953 and 1954 were partial and confined to selected regions in several places. In the first census, two major groupings of Muslims were found, each one of which had several subdivisions: Indian Muslims and Burmese Muslims. The first grouping included Muslims from Indian region of Surat, Bengal and Madras Burmese Muslims were found mostly in Arakan, Tavoy and Mergui. [Upper Burma was not included in the first British census]. The Arakanese Muslims then numbered 64.000 (Sixty-four thousand) or about two third of total number of Burmese Muslims, which were 99,846 [Today these also are deprived of National Scrutiny Cards]. The percentage of Muslims in Tavoy and Mergui was also high. They were likewise Malays there. The second census included much more detailed information on the Muslim population and revealed an increase in the Muslim population in every district except that of Northern Arakan. [In this lesser increase, there included the returnees, who left Arakan in previous political strife]. The census in Burma was always taken as a part of general census of India. Muslims were categorized Sheikh, Syed, Mogul, Pathan and so on as in Indian census. In 1891, Muslims of all Burma numbered 253,640 where as 204,846 were listed under the title Sheikhs, out of whom Burmese Muslims (Including Arakanese) are shown to be only 24,647, which in first census was over 60,000. It was impossible (This was inefficiency of census taking. In fact, Arakanese Muslims are neither Sheikhs nor Sayids, nor Pathan, nor Moguls.They are just Rohingyas or Arakanese Muslims]. The census of 1901 and 1911, both went on the former line of Indian census taking. In these, the Muslims of Akyab were 33.66% or over a third of the region’s population. It is here (in Akyab) that over 44% of all Burma’s Muslims were concentrated. In examining the Muslim population distribution in the urban and rural areas, it is important to pay attention to the Akyab region where a great many Muslims were engaged in Agriculture. Except from this one area, the rural Muslim population did not even reach one percent of the rural population of the country. [In British census, Immigrants from India are said to be traders, office workers and laborers. Especially the immigrants in Arakan were mostly seasonal laborers. Most of these workers, traders dwell in urban areas, in contrast to the Arakanese Muslims (or) Rohingyas who mostly lived in rural areas professing agriculture]. In 1911, when Muslims of Akyab included, 31.15% of the Muslims were urban and it made up 13.4% of the total urban population of the country. When Akyab was excluded, the urban Muslims percentage became 58.35% [This variation indicates that Muslims in Akyab region were mostly dwellers in rural area unlike the immigrants who chose to dwell in towns.] 1921 census shows, Muslim populations of 500,592 out of which one forth are Burmese Muslims embracing Zerbadies and Arakanese Muslims. Beginning with the census of 1921, the categories in use in India – Sheikhs, Sayyeds etc. were dropped in Burma.In 1921, the number of Arakanese Muslims reached the figure of 24,000, which differed with previous census. The discrepancies were due to the concept of the “term”. The Arakan Kamans were for the first time listed separately, there were 1,054 men and 1,126 women. They were all Muslims except for ten men and four women, who were Buddhists The Arakanese Muslims were the second largest subdivision of the category “Burman Muslim” after the Zerbadees. The 7th and last complete census was held in 1931. Total Muslim population was 584,839 representing 396,504 Indian Muslims and 186,861 Burmese Muslims (including Arakanese Muslims) 41% of Muslims were to be found in the single region of Arakan. (Since 1921, Muslims from Arakan demanded not to mix them with foreign Muslims but the British Government did not comply with their demand. (See census report of 1931]. Even the Muslims who were very much like Rakhine were included in the category of Indian Muslims in 1921 census. In 1931 they became Burman-lndian. The census table shows that 68% of the Muslims are Indian and only 30% belonged to the Burmese-Muslim group. The majorities were Zerbadees and Arakanese Muslims, while remainders were Kamans and Myedus. [But today almost all Muslims from Arakan disregard of their origin are degraded to the status of Foreigners], Census figures were not correct, because in 1921 census, many Arakanese Muslims were listed as Indians. In 1931 census, many Arakanese Muslims claimed Bengali as their mother tongue, although the Zerbadess usually were shown as Burmese or Arakanese (depending on their residence) as their mother tongue. [Here it is obvious that Rakhine speaking Muslims of Arakan were also regarded as Zeibadees] The Burmese Muslim grouping included Zerbadees, Arakanese Muslims, Kamans and Myedus. Most of the Arakanese Muslims were in Akyab region. But there were large number of them to be found in other regions as well: in Chittagong 1,597 and in Sandoway 1,658. Their total number in 1931 was 51.615. (This is not real number, because Rohingyas were categorized as Indians. The number of Kamans was increased from 2,186 to 2,886; they were concentrated in the region of Akyab and Chiltagong. [l cannot understand why Moshe Yegar mentioned Chittagong to home some Kamans whereas we see the Kamans dwell mostly in Arakan]. The Myedus increased 4,991 to 5,160. In the partial census of 1954, the figures shown in the villages of Arakan were 56.75% Buddhist and 41.60% Muslims.310 Here are two points to remark. One is the census return of Arakan where seasonal laborers, who usually return to their birthplace, were included Dr. Than Tun named them as a floating people because they used to come on season of woik and return when the season is over.311 Second point is the Majority Muslims of Arakan were mixed up with Indians both ethnically and religiously. Further it is probable that the census activities of that time did not penetrate into the remote hilly areas of Northern Arakan as was the case in connection of hilly regions of Chins and Kachin States. To sump up, Arakanese Muslims are a major portion of Burmese Muslims. This name sounds national naturally. Since there is no entity as Burmese Muslim in Burmese social and political arena when Burma Muslim Congress (Ba-Ma-Ka) was expelled from Pha-Sa-Pa-La in 1948 on ground of its name being religiously affiliated, there is no Arakanese Muslims too. So those Arakanese Muslims have to choose their ethnic name Rohingya rather than religious name Arakanese Muslim. Rohingya is nothing but an antiquity of Arakan. Last thing we can observe the censuses of British period were always changing. The number of population and races or ethnic groups found changed up from census to census.312 CHAPTER XVI GEOPOLITICAL FACTOR CONCERNING ROHIGYA’S NATIONALITY In previous chapters we have obviously seen the facts, which show Rohingya’s deeply rooted historic existence in Arakan. In other word Arakan is Rowang and Rohingya is Arakanese. So Rohingya’s existence in Arakan is as old as the land itself. Let us go into detail so that we have a clear vision of this subject. Historical evolution and geographic situation always affects the life of a people.Arakna’s political link with India had been deeper, greater and longer than that of with Burma proper. Geographers plainly remark that Arakan is a continuation of Chiltagong plain and is separated by Arakan-Yoma range from Burma Culturally too, until 10th century, everything in Arakan from language, religion and scriptures to ethnic people, were all Indian. The cultural and ethnic characteristics of ancient Arakan are today found in Rohingyas and the Buddhist Bruwas of Arakan only. A researcher of ancient Arakan history says dividing Rakhine coast from the rest of Myanmar, the Rakhine Yoma mountain range historically has been a barrier between Myanmar and Indian subcontinent. Hence the range, not only functions as a climate barrier (cutting off the south-west monsoon rain from central Myanmar) but historically functioned as natural obstacle against permanent settlement of Muslims dwellers and further as a visible and accepted fracture between the two subcontinents. The latter therefore preferred to settle down on the shores of the Naf River and along the coast of Bay of Bengal.313 So another author rightly concluded,these geographical facts explain the separate historical development of that area Arakan until it was conquered by the Burmese kingdom at the close of 18th century.314 The 20th century witnessed an acceleration of history of some sorts: where Rakhine Muslims and Buddhists alike had a massively out (only) once per century in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries, namely: clash between Prince Shah Shujah and the Mrauk-U king (Sanda Thudamma) in 1664, Burmese conquest of Arakan in 1784, first Anglo-Burmese war in 1824.The recurrent of displacement occurred in the 20th century, with four massive exoduses, namely second-world war, the Mujahid rebellion in the 1950s, the exodus of 1978 (Operation Dragon King, “Nagamin”) and the recent 1991 outflow.315 These occurrences of human fluctuations indeed have some cultural as well as ethnic effects on both sides of the border. There are today a great many Rakhines in Chittagong area, despite their massive official repatriation by U Ne Win’s Government, where as there are Bengalis in Arakan indeed. The Rakhines adopted a life suitable in Bengali environment, where as the Bengalis in Arakan are too acculturated to Rakhine situations. The Bengalis in Arakan today hardly be said to be identical with those in Bangladesh. In official rhetoric and publications Rakhine Muslims (Rohingya) are said to speak Bengali. This, however, reveals inaccurate, as the Bengali language spoken in Decca, does not belong to the same stock of language in Arakan and has a very few in common with the language spoken in Northern Rakhine State. More correctly the local language spoken by Rakhine Muslims is a Chittagonian dialect, an idiom spoken in Bangladesh region, bordering Rakhine State. Whilst being very close to the Chittagonian dialect, it is by no means identical. For example, the Rakhine Muslims dialect is indicative of historical residency in Myanmar, as it approximately includes as much as 10 – 15 percent of Rakhine words and expressions.316 A factor most worthy is that Arakan and Chittagong from the early Christian era to the end of Mrauk-U dynasties, for many, many centuries had been under the same rule. Sometimes there were political fluctuations. D. G E. Hall says that Arakan managed to maintain itself as an independent kingdom until almost the end of the eighteenth century, mainly due to its geographical position ……… From the very early days the older and purer form of Buddhism, the Hinayana or Lesser Vehicle, was established there. It must date from before the arrival of Burmese in the 10th century, when Arakan was an Indian land, with a population of similar to that of Bengal ……….. And although before the establishment of Mrohong by Narameikhia in 1433, there was from time to time a certain amount of Burmese and Mon interference.Arakan’s contacts with Mohammedan India were probably closer than those with Burma. None of its rivers rises in Burma and throughout its history its water communications with Bengal were easier than it’s over land communication with Burma. When Bengal was strong its rulers received tiibute fioin Arakan; at other times Arakan claimed tribute from parts of Ganges Delta. This fluctuation of power affected Chittagong, which was held alternatively by one side or the other.In 1459 it came into the hands of Arakan, which held it until it was finally annexed to the Mogul Empire in 1666. Monammedanism spread to Arakan, but failed to make much impression upon its Buddhism. Mrohong had its Sandhi Khan Mosque and its kings assumed Mohammedan titles, but the predominance of Buddhism was never shaken.317 Burma share borders with Bangladesh, India, China, Laos and Thailand. Various ethnic minorities along all these borders dwell. Most of these minorities have their mainstream clans across the border on the other side. For example, Kuki Chins, Zhomi and Naga on the Indian border: Wa, Kukeng and Zinphaw on the eastern border and Chakmas and Bruwas on the Bangladesh border, all of them today, are amongst so called 135 ethnic minorities of SPDC Government. All of those people’s mainstream cmlans live beyond the border in adjacent countries. Some of them have their own Autonomous States in Bangladesh, India and China./Vhen Senior General Thant Shwe of Myanmar visited Yonan Province of China in the year 2000, Kachin females in their Kachin national dresses lined up along the street to give rousing welcome to the General. Even Shans in South-East Shan State speak a Siamese dialect In Arakan the Chakma and Bruwa too speak Chitlagonian dialect.318 Genealogically and culturally Bruwas have a very close affinity with Bengalis. Yet U HIa Tun Pru put Bruwa at the par with Burmese speaking Rakhine, and said Bmwa is from Rakhme’s ethnic stock. Then, what about the miliions of Bruwas in Bangladesh? Would they be from Rakhine ethnic stock too? Next, ihe Chakmas of Chittagong hill tracts have their own autonomous region. The Chakma, whom we called in Myanmar Dainet, too, speak Bengali.319 Yet all these peoples are designated as Burmese indigenous peoples. This logic is not applied in the case of Rohingyas, who have further more long inter-relationship with Arakan. Without mentioning Rohingya, Arakan history, both ancient and modern cannot be said to be complete. Sayadaw Winmala writes there have been political and cultural link between Arakan and Bengal for centuries. So almost all ethnic people in Arakan have an affinity with their clans in Bengal, especially the Bruwas speak the same language as Chitagomans.320 If we accept all these different minorities, with their affinities with clans across the borders, why don’t we want it to apply in the case of Rohingya? Indeed. Rohingya alone has a more deeply rooted connection with Arakan as we have seen above and previous chapters. The world today has many instances of such phenomena: Malays in Southern Thailand, Vietnamese in Cambodia, Nepalese in Bhutan and many others in Europe. These all can co-exist peacefully and honorably in their respective residency. I hope this sort of harmony would prevail in Arakan, too. CHAPTER XVII ROHINGYA AND BENGALI Since early settlers of Arakan were Indo-Aryan or a people similar to that of Bengal, Rohingya cannot disclaim their genealogical link with Bengali. As time passed, sociopolitical situations have also changed during last centuries. In this context, Rohingya too evolved as an ethnic entity with its own characteristics. In a broader perspective, all are Myanmar, but there still are some separate branches of Myanmar. So we can say Rohingya can be defined as a branch of Bengali but their existence is in Arakan alone; Arakanese alone are, in another word, called Rohingya. A Senior British military officer remarks: the Arakan Muslims are generally known as Bengalis or Chittagonians, quite incorrectly. [……….] They resemble the Arabs in names, in dress and in habit. [………..] As a race they have been here for over two hundred years and yet survive. They are perhaps to be compared with the Jews, a nation within a nation.321 Foreign observers remarks: In official rhetoric and publications, Rakhine Muslims (Rohingyas) are said to speak Bengali. This however reveals inaccurate, as the Bengali language spoken in Decca does not belong to the same stock of language and has very few in common with the language spoken in Northern Rakhine State. More correctly the local language spoken by Rakhine Muslim is a Chittagonian dialect, an idiom spoken in the Bangladesh region bordering Rakhine State. Whilst being very close to the Chittagonian dialect, it is by no means identical. For example; the Rakhine Muslim dialect is indicative of historical residency in Myanmar, as it approximately includes as much as 10-15 percent Rakhine words and expression.322 Even Chittagonian could not understand the dialect of Rohingyas who resides in inner Arakan Rohingya and Chittagonian can communicate with some adjustment of words, phrases and style of expression. Rohingya dialect is influenced by Arabic, Persian and Rakhine words where as Chittagonian dialect is influenced by Sanskrit and Bengali. Bengali wears long sleeved loose shirts, keeping it out of their Longyi or Pant where as most Rohingya wear shirts, with collar, keeping the lower part under their Longyi Rohingyas have a traditional shirt caller “Entheri” more similar to today’s Malaysian shirt.Female dress differed much Rohingya women do not wear Sari, as the Bengalis, but a Burmese women’s shirt-like Bazu or Blouse, with a shawl on their heads. Young girls wear woolen belts, where elderly women wear Zali (Khah-Gyo), a flat locally woven cotton sheet. Most elderly Rakhine women, too wear this Khah-Gyo, especially in the rural areas. Further there is a slight difference in physical features. In Bangladesh itself, the people of Chittagong have fairer skin than the people of other districts. Here these fair skinned Chittagonians compared with Rohinnya, appeared in average darker. Most Rohingya have Tibeto-Burman features too. It is perhaps due to some (though rare) mix-marriages, adoption of Rakhine children and some conversions in the early period. Concerning the dresses of Rohinyya a prominent Burmese writer and politician, U Thein Pe Myint says: I put up at Ko Tun Win’s house at Kyauktaw. At that time there Muslirn-Rakhine communal riot was going on. So we had to take care not to fall in between and I bought a Pathi cap (Muslim cap) and kept my beard unshaved. Next morning when we were sitting in the parlor of Ko Tun Win’s house, a man appealed in strange dress; now a day no one wears this sort of dress. The man was about 25 years old. He wore a dark-gray Dhoti (Tongshay Petso) a Taing-mathein like shirt (a shirt with long sleeves but without color). He had Gaungbaung-like headdress of thin cotton cloth. He did wear moustache and a beard I did not understand the subject they discussed as they talked in Arakanese. When I inquired about him: Ko Tun Win answered he was our Arakanese Muslim. It is learned that in villages of Arakan many more people still did not discard early Myanmar-like dresses. When I saw this Muslim with headdress of thin cotton sheet, I thought of whether it was better (for me) to imitate like Burmese Muslim with my Pathi cap (in this period of riot). Here I realized that Arakanese hold tight and preserved old Burmese culture and tradition.323 Rohingya foods have much influence of Rakhine cooking style, where some Rakhine too have adopted the Rohingya cooking styles in some cases. The procedure of marriage, engagement and feeding feast diffet, a lot. There is no infant marriage amongst Rohingyas. The sports of “Hlay” (Row Boat) racing, wrestliny, and the race of Buffalo have special Rohingya characteristics. Voluntary roofing of houses, transplanting of paddy turn by turn, in villages were a traditional custom in Rohingya Group hunting and fishing, but distributions to all in the villages-were also a tradition until recently Rohingyas have their own musical instruments. They have “Baittali” (song of wisdom) and “Khabita” (Rhetoric) competitions and many outdoor sports and games for children’s enjoyment. Many decades ago there were Persian song competitions. In fact Rohingya have some selection and rejection of professions. Few Rohingya do sanitary works and hair cutting: cloth washing and shoe repairing professions are also disliked. In personal behaviors Rohingyas are a bit rough and easily get tempered. Most Rohingyas are pious but not fanatics. Reciting “Puthi”, “some love and war stories” in the early night of their leisure time, too is a hobby of Rohingya. CHAPTER XVIII THE CULTURE OF ROHINGYA The Arakanese Muslims (Rohingyas) are Sunnite despite some preponderance of some Shiite traditions among them. Under their influences many Muslim customs spread to the Buddhist, such as for example, segregation of their womenfolk. Writers and Poets appeared among the Arakanese Muslims, who called themselves Rohingya, especially during the fifteen to eighteen centuries, and even there were some court poets at the court of Arakanese kings.324 The poets and writers wrote in Persian and Arabic or in a mixed Rohingya language, which they developed among themselves and which was a mixture of Bengali, Urdu, and Arakanese (Rakhine). The language is not as widely spread today as it was in the past and it has been largely replaced by Burmese. Their Artists also developed the art of Calligraphy. Some manuscripts has been preserved but have not yet been scientifically examined. Miniature pointing in the Mogul style also flourished in Arakan during this period. The Muslims who came to Arakan (There were native Muslims too) brought with them Arab, Indian and especially Bengali music and musical instruments Persian songs are sung amongst Rohingya by this day.325 This is how the Rohingya preserved their own heritage from the impact of the Buddhist environment not only as far as their religion but also in some aspects of their culture.326 Again, an eminent history researcher, Dr. Than Tun says, because of North Arakan’s close overland ties with Bengal, it is found that after Bengal became Muslim in 1203, the resulting cultural and political influence of the Muslims was of great significance in the history of Arakan.327 Of interest, none-the-less is an ancient stone carved with Arabic letters, which can still be seen at Mrauk-U National Museum. While some remnants of this ancient culture can still be detected in today’s life of Rakhine Muslims, it is decidedly striking to realize that most of this culture was lost due to massive displacements of population (Four times in 20th century) which contributed to fade out; if not annihilate, the cultural fabrics. Yet there are many who acculturated to Rakhine society.328 Historic edifices and monuments are found through out Arakan. I would like to describe only their political aspects, as their archeological aspect is not within the scope of this treatise. Badar Mokam: The exact date of the abode is uncertain. British records say it was founded in A.D. 1756. (I think it is the date of the construction of the Mosque adjacent to the abode], by the Muslims of Akyab in memory of one Bader Aulia, whom they regard as an eminent Saint (It proves the presence of Muslims in Akyab in 18th century]. Colonel Nelson Davis in 1876. Deputy Commissioner of Akyab said, some 140 years ago, two traders from Chittagong on their way back from Negaris, constructed the Cave and also dug a well there. It was because one of the traders was instructed in his dream to do so. There were orders in Persian in the Deputy Commissioner’s Court at Akyab, to the effect that one Hussein Ali, then (Thugyi) headman of Buddamaw Circle was to have charge of the Badar Mokam in token of his good services rendered to the British force in 1825. 329 [This signifies two things: One, Persian was until then official language of Arakan and the other that there were Muslim settlements in Akyab before British occupation, a fact which some circles try to deny.] This Badar Mokam comprised two Caves and a Mosque. Archeological descriptions of these are not detailed here. The Sandhi Khan Mosque: R. B. Smart says, two and a half mile southeast of the palace (Mrohong) is another non-Buddhist temple. It is a Mohammedan Mosque, called Sandhi Khan, built by the followers of Min Zaw Mun (First Mrauk-U King) after he had returned from 24 years of exile in the Suratan (Sultan) country form A.D. 1406 to 1430. South of the road, which leads to the Alezay Ywa, there are two large tanks with stone embankments; between them is the Mosque, surrounding by a low stonewall. The temple court measures 65 feet from north to south and 82 feet from east to west, the shrine is a rectangular structure 33 feet by 47 feet: it consist-of an ante-room, an inner chamber, which is 19 feet square. Passages lead into the ante-room from the temple court from the north, south and east, while from the west side of the ante-room a passage leads into the inner and principle chamber; the passages arch vaulted the arch consisting of a series of wedge-shaped stones. The inner chamber is lighted by narrow openings in the north and south walls, the ante-room is vaulted, but outside the roof over it, is a slanting plane from the copula of the central chamber to the eastern front wall of the building which is only 9 feet high: the ceiling of the chamber is a hemispherical low copula constructed on the same principle as the domes in the Shitthaung and Dukhanthein Pagodas. The whole shrine is built of well cut stone blocks, but it is absolutely bare of all decorated designs.330. This Mosque is one of the invaluable heritages of Rohingya.But recently it was demolished and used for a military camp. This act is in violation of 1982 UNESCO convention of which Burma is a party too. Maijjah Mosque: It is situated about three miles east of Mrohong. It was built with well-cut stones. Perhaps it was built by U Musa; a missionary came from Delhi, in the time of 9th King of Mrauk-U, Zaleta Saw Mun. Alam Lashkar Mosque: It is at the Pann Mraung village of Minbya The term “Lashker” indicates army and perhaps it was built by one of the army officers of Mrauk-U Kings. Shwe Dah Qazi Mosque: It is at the Kyit Taung Village of Minbya. It is obvious from the name that it was built by Qazi Abdul Karim, who was awarded Shwe Dah(Gold Sword) by Bodaw Pya, and was known by the name Shwe Dah Qazi. Adjacent to the palace: there too was a Mosque and a tank with stone embankment.It was known as Nan Oo Mosque and Nantha Kan respectively. The tank still exists where as the Mosque was abolished some years ago. Babagyi Mosque and Temple: on the bank of Kandawgyi (Lake), Akyab, Musa Dewan Mosque of Nazir Village cemetery. Akyab; Qazi Mosque of Kyauktaw Town are other historic buildings and hentages of Muslims. According to the record of Encyclopedia Britannica 1994 – 98 the Rakhine Pali (Mosque) in Yangon is the oldest Mosque in Myanmar. Tachan Pel Mosque, near Aung San Sport Stadium was also built by Rakhine Muslims during the time of Myanmar Kings. Shrines or Temple of Saints of early periods are found in Buthidaung too; Peer Khalasi Meah’s Temple in Baguna Village, Akram All Shah Dargah at Mrongna Village, Sikander Shah Dargah at Buthidaung Town are still preserved by local Muslims. There is another Mosque at Khyaik Talan Road, Shwedaung Quarter, Moulmein. It is known as Rakhine Mosque nowadays. There are different versions of its history.Some say it was built by some Arakanese Muslims from Rangoon in 18th century. The real fact is in the invasion of Rakhine King Min Razagyi (1595 -1612) to Pegu and Muttama; there consisted about fifty thousand Muslims forces (According to Dannya Waddy Aredopon and other Rakhine chronicles). The Muslim force built that Mosque in Moulmein. Coins: Coins in early Arakan were in Indian script and with sign of Civism and Hinduism. Coins of Mrauk-U period are of Muslim designs, some bearing the confession of Muslim faith and in Persian scripts.331 Literature: Literature in Arakan changed along wilh its political evolution. During Dannya Waddy and Wethali periods, the language of the people was Indian. They wrote in Nagari script as in East Bengal.Almost all inscriptions stone, copper or votive, were either in Pali, Sanskrit or in a language used in Bengal. Burmese inscriptions are found after 10th century A.D.332 In this late period, especially in Mrauk-U period, Persian was also used widely. Most of King’s courtiers were Muslims who preferred to keep record or write in Peisian. Many books are found in Rohingya language but in Persian scripts. Many copies of these manuscripts are still preserved in the hand of Rohingyas. Some are found in Calligraphic form. During 17th and 18th centuries courtiers and senior officials were mostly of Bengali literacy merit. They wrote Bengali books, and Rohingya language in Bengali script. The development of Bengali literature was encouraged by Rakhine Kings.333 During British period Urdu was introduced and Urdu schools all over Arakan were established. But this Urdu language preferred by Indian Muslims in Burma proper, too was a foreign language for Rohingya. Thus Urdu made them much backward. It was of no use in post-independence Burma. Many Urdu educated persons had to quit their Government services. New job opportunities for Urdu learners were nil. Now-a-days Rohingyas learn and write Burmese. Stone and Copper Plate Inscriptions: According to Dr. Kanungo, a copper plate was found in Chittagong in 1857 indicating the names of some Muslim ministers of Arakan and its high-ranking Muslim officials. Another stone inscription with Arabic letters is said still to be preserved in Mrauk-U Museum.334 Again there is another stone plate of 3 ½’ x 2′ was discovered Thara Ouk Village, Mrohong. It consist,eight lines of Persian script which indicate that Arakanese Kings engraved 23 tons of gold some where prescribed in the stone plate.335 Still more interesting is the discovery of stone inscriptions, by G. H. Luce, formerly History Professor of Rangoon University.Dr.Than Tun, an eminent historian of Myanmar in his article, Northern Rakhine, in Kaliya Magazine, August 1994, said the Chindwin Stone inscription of 14th century, preserved in Tuparun Temple, Sagaing, testify that there were Muslim Kings, with Indian names in Arakan.These kings, he said, had a very good relation with Ava Kings. So all these inscriptions show the antiquity of Rohingya people and these are regarded to be their cultural heritages. Ananda Sandra Stone Monument or Shitthaung Temple Pillar of Arakan: This Pillar was erected by King Ananda Sandra in 8th century. It has an extensive record of life, culture and successive kings of ancient Arakan. It is an invaluable heritage of Arakan, which Arakanese people regard to be very authentic and they are proud of it. So mentioning it here under the headline of culture of Rohingya may draw some indignant and criticism from some circle. Though Rakhine people say this monument is their historical heritage, my reason to mention it here is the language thereon, is different from Rakhine people but similar to Rohingya language. This Pillar contains records from ancient to 10th century A.D. This and many other inscriptions found in Arakan are in Nagari alphabets, and the language thereon is very much nearer to Rohingya language. So Rohingyas say that they have had historic connection with these ancient inscriptions. This inscription was first read by Dr. John Ston of Oxford University in 1935-1942. Later it was studied by Dr. D. C Sircir. Dr. Ston’s transliteration was later copied by U San Tha Aung and Dr. Pamela Gutman. Though, I cannot directly take the meaning of the sentences on the pillars. I found almost all vocabularies there are pronounced as if what we find in Rohingya language today. The script on the east face of the pillar closely resembles what of 6th century Gupta copper plate of Bengal.336 Correct and actual reading is not possible, because some writings were defaced. Pamela Gutman says, the Paleography of the inscriptions suggests that most forms derive from the Gaudia or Proto Bengali style prevalent in Bengal, retaining some old forms side by side with later developments and also introducing a few forms in contemporary West Indian scripts. An almost complete alphabet can be reconstructed by comparison of the inscriptions with the inscriptions of the Candra dynasty of Bengal.337 Let us make a comparative study of these inscriptions on the north face of Shitthaung Pillar from Pamela Gutman’s writings: The first inscription occupies seven lines. Only the last letters can be read, which are Cakarari, Caturddasame, Raksoka and Krtarajyah. Eighth line begins with Svasti Sri? Meaning, Village Sri? Certain sections of next inscription have three columns, i.e. left side column, middle column and right side column. Left Side Column 1-40 idan maya Krtam - This way we love 1-41 iva damsadesa - This vicled country 1-42 Areka desa vijayam – Victor country Araka (It is the name of the country in 11th century). In the Middle Column Yaksapura – raja King of Raksapura (It is ancient name of Arakan as called by Indians In the Right Column There are: · ha manarajah (Sim) · ghya (ya) sri Govindra Candra · devatam karta (in) · tattasya deva In the last of the column There is: Agni pradesa – - Agni – Meaning not clear Pradesa – a country or a foreign country.338 All these words and phrases are very similar to Rohingya dialect. We can see a comparative study of vocabularies, taking it from Pamela’s transliteration and translation of North Face of Shitthaung Pillar. Verse No. 4 Text of Pillar Rohingya Rakhine English Talon Tarto Tonauk Then Jagata Jagat Kabba World Varsam Vasar Hnaik Year Satam Shat Thara Hundred Bhupalo Bhupal Aashin Strong one Verse No. 5 Tena Tene Thu He Krtm Karten Loukthi did Rajyan Rashtri Oukchoukthi reign Verse No. 6 Nama Naame Amee shi Named Raja Rajah Bayin/Min King Jani-a-Sakat Janatre Pyithugo/Ludugo To Public Toto Raja Lok Janitasa Raja Tara Jane Bayin Mya Thie thi The Kings Knows Verse No. 7 Ikam Ekk Thaik One Thasmad Tharfar Tohnauk Then Verse No. 8 Nitiri Vikramap Nitirnote Thara Thapyint Justly Verse No. 52 Deni DeniDeni Nezin Daily U San Tha Aung, Director General of Higher Education Department, also transliterated these inscriptions in Burmese letters. A comparative study of numerals contain in the inscription bring us to the conclusion that Rohingya numerals and the one in the inscriptions are the same. For example; Verse No. Numerals in Rohingya Rakhine Inscriptions 17,41 Dhuwi Dhui Hnaik 13 Therai Teen Thaong 31 Pansa Pans Ngaa 25 Chau Sau Khrouk 14,16,26,30 Chaat Chaat/Hantti Khunaik 35 Dhuwa Dosh Dosh Dhui Sehnaik 9, 22,115 Vish Vish/Khuree Hnasei 35 Thirish Thirish Thonsei 55 Panchas Panchas Ngasei and many others are also similarly pronounced in Rohmgys dialect.339 Here notable things are: The verses were transliterated from defaced scripts. I have difficulties to produce correct pronunciation from the transliteration. So I cannot transliterate or translate the whole sentence or the whole inscription in Rohingya language. So far, a rough study of this transliteration of Pamela Gutman made me to comprehend that the language of the inscription is different a lot from Rakhine language and very much nearer to the Rohingya language. So I bring this Shitthaung Pillar inscription under the headline of Rohingya’s culture. I think a scientific study in this regard by scholars is a need of time.
Posted on: Fri, 30 Aug 2013 17:21:50 +0000
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