Perhaps Uhuru Kenyatta may not need to rig the elections in 2017. Or perhaps he may since 3 days in politics is a long time and his popularity is waning. It therefore comes as no surprise to us that Kenyatta has constantly been on phone with Mugabe trying to learn new stuff from him. Our mole at State House sent us a confidential document on “How To Rig Elections” sent by Mugabe to Uhuru Kenyatta. We reproduce the 7 tips below. And on a side-note, we would urge Raila to immediately get a copy of this document. My dearest godson Uhuru, It is with much pleasure that I respond to your recent enquiry. I must congratulate you on your win early this year but things are changing fast and you have to change with the times, like I have. I would not be where I am today if I remained stagnant. But more importantly, I would not be successful if I didn’t listen to and seek advice from my elders. Your father and I went back a long way, and I am pleased to hold you by the hand and help you through the crisis you are going through. How I miss your dad. He was a great great man. Now to get to the gist of the matter, you have to remember to follow all the tips. Not just one but all of them concurrently. Boy, keep your head up. I have been through much worse. In devising an election strategy for 2013, I, the great Mugabe had to account for greater outside scrutiny, as the violence of 2008 had put Zimbabwe permanently on SADC’s agenda. The updated election playbook also had to take into consideration the increased use of technology in Zimbabwe. Over the past five years, access to mobile phones has grown dramatically. According to the International Telecommunication Union, my country, Zimbabwe now has an estimated mobile subscription rate of 97 percent. These new factors meant that I had to work harder and with more cunning. I could no longer use blatant election-day fraud or brute force to win. And you cannot either. Step one: Begin the rigging process well in advance. In order to avoid any violence or overt manipulation on election day, I, Mugabe began my rigging activities well before an official poll date was even confirmed. The first voter registration drive kicked off in May 2013, focusing mainly on ZANU-PF strongholds in the north. This allowed my party to get a head start in the process. Less than two weeks after the Constitutional Court’s ruling on an application to set an election date, I unilaterally announced that the vote would be held on July 31. Critics of the move argued not only that it violated the 2008 Global Political Agreement (GPA), which required me, the president to consult all parties when determining an election date, but also that the date itself contradicted provisions in the new constitution and reduced the number of days available for voter registration. Huh, I pulled a surprise there. Step two: Allow superficial democratic reforms, but keep big-ticket items off the negotiating table. While the stated goals of the GPA were broad, its primary purpose—in the aftermath of the 2008 political violence—was to clearly outline the legal and institutional reforms necessary for the country to hold free, fair, and credible elections. Among the GPA’s 25 articles were provisions calling for a new constitution, depoliticization of state institutions and the security sector, liberalization of the media sector, and prosecution of the perpetrators of politically motivated violence. The pact gave rise to a multiparty Government of National Unity (GNU), but after five years of power sharing, it had failed to implement almost all of the required reforms. The only task that they accomplished was the passage of a more progressive constitution and bill of rights. I, Mugabe then interpreted the conclusion of the constitutional ratification process as marking the expiration of the GNU, meaning elections had to be held immediately, even though the basic electoral reforms prescribed under the new constitution had not yet been enacted. The absence of such reforms aided me in my efforts to manipulate the election process. Step three: Take control of the state media. Lack of media reforms prior to the elections had a significant impact on news coverage of the process. On election day itself, the media were highly polarized along party lines and generally biased in their reporting. According to the Media Monitoring Project of Zimbabwe, news outlets carried stories on all parties, but 90 percent of the coverage of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was negative. It is noteworthy, if not surprising, that the biggest perpetrator of hate speech during the election period was I myself. But who could arrest me, the great Mugabe for hate speech? None dared. Step four: Stack the courts with supporters who will uphold your constitutionally questionable decisions. I started manipulation of the judicial system early in the election process. In May 2013, following a court application in which an activist affiliated with ZANU-PF sought to “compel” me to set an election date, the Constitutional Court ruled that elections must be held by July 31. Despite domestic and regional pressure, the court ruled against postponing the vote by two weeks, declaring that election preparations were already under way. The Constitutional Court’s decision clearly violated the constitution, reinforcing the perception that it was my puppet. Suffice it to say that my supporters upheld all the decisions that I needed. Step five: Seize control of the election machinery and make sure that your rigged triumph is plausible. Determined to avoid another period of power sharing, I made a concerted effort to rig a margin of victory that would be plausible (something short of 99 percent), but also large enough to negate the need for a runoff vote. I ultimately won 61 percent of the ballots, according to official results. I argued that I was able to obtain more votes than in 2008 because of a renewed effort to attract support through my indigenous and black empowerment programs. However, I also benefited from my heavy influence over the voter registration process. The chairperson of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, Judge Rita Makarau, was a former ZANU-PF lawmaker, while the registrar general, Tobaiwa Mudede, had been leading the registrar’s office for more than three decades. These are people that I could trust. You must have a select few that you can trust, my son. Step six: Avoid the use of violence at all costs. Demonstrating that I had learned the greatest lesson from 2008, this time I restrained party members and supporters, including youth militias, and prevented a repeat of the 2008 electoral violence. Only a handful of reports of politically motivated violence emerged on election day, and none garnered any significant international attention. Both SADC and AU observer missions were quick to declare the July 31 election peaceful, and therefore credible. Nevertheless, members of civil society and the opposition were subject to intimidation, arrest, and other forms of persecution throughout the election process. In the run-up to the constitutional referendum earlier in the year, nearly a dozen civil society organizations had their offices raided by my state security personnel, and many prominent civil society leaders and human rights defenders were arrested on spurious charges. My son, having gone through your tribulations at the foreign masters’ court, I know you understand the need to ensure that there is no violence at all. I shall not belabour the point. Step seven: Declare that the people have spoken, and do not look back. On August 22, I was sworn in for my sixth term as president with the same pomp and circumstance as in my first inauguration 33 years ago. The ceremony, held at the National Sport Stadium, was attended by foreign dignitaries and a crowd of 60,000. The event was initially delayed by a court petition filed by my main rival, Morgan Tsvangirai of the MDC, over allegations of widespread electoral fraud. But the Constitutional Court dismissed the case, declaring that the election was free, fair, and credible. Once the ruling was announced, I never looked back. Immediately after my inauguration, I appointed a new cabinet and began phasing out officials who were brought in by the MDC under the power-sharing government. I was also quick to place blame for Zimbabwe’s economic crisis on continued sanctions by the United States and Europe. By the way, I must thank you for this. Your clarion call “Accept and move on” was a stroke of genius. It seems that there is a lot I could learn from you too. Well, good luck with the foreign masters. And if I can be of help in this matter, I am at your disposal. Remember, your dad and I were great friends, and I would not hesitate to help you. Sincerely, Robert
Posted on: Sat, 22 Mar 2014 12:09:15 +0000
Trending Topics
© 2015