RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat is saying the cultural identity of all Indians is Hindutva The 20th century descriptions of the chitpavans list inordinate frugality, untrustworthiness (Duba Kors), conspiratorialism, phlegmatismNow it is the Fraud Duba Kor EVMs that has to be exposed because the Duba Kor EVM CJI Sadhasivam, a brahmin allowed the Lok Sabha with majority fraud tamperable Duba Kor EVMs at the request of Duba Kor EVM CEC Sampath another brahmin to replace the Duba Kor EVMs in phased manner that helped RSSs BJP to acquire the MASTER KEY. Till all the Duba Kor EVMs are replaced with fool proof Voting system the present CJI must order to scrap the present Lok Sabha.& have a collegium system of picking judges from SC/ST/OBC/Minorities for having a fool proof voting system to safeguard Liberty, Fraternity and Equality as enshrined in the Constitution. And also a collegium system in the Chief Election Commission consisting SC/ST/OBC/ Minorities for having a fool proof voting system to safeguard Liberty, Fraternity and Equality as enshrined in d Constitution to prevent Murder of Democracy.. After the Duba Kor EVMs are replaced with fool proof voting system Lok Sabha elections must be held. If chitpawan brahmins have to be sidelined totally because of their politics of hatred towards all non Ariyo brahmins, all the non- ariyo brahmins have to unite under BSP for Sarvajan Hitay, Sarvajan Sukhay i.e., for the welfare and happiness of all societies including, SC/STs, OBCs, Minorities and the poor upper castes by sharing the wealth of the country equally among all sections of the society as enshrined in the Constitution. Haughty behavior by the upstart chitpvans caused conflicts with other communities which manifested itself as late as in 1948 in the form of anti-Brahminism after the killing of M.K. Gandhi by Nathuram Godse, a chitpavan. Bal Gangadhar Tilak After the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818, the chitpavans lost their political dominance to the British.The British would not subsidize the chitpavans on the same scale that their caste-fellow, the Peshwas had done in the past. Pay and power was now significantly reduced. Poorer chitpavan students adapted and started learning English because of better opportunities in the British administration. Some of the strongest resistance to change also came from the very same community. Jealously guarding their brahmin stature, the orthodox among the chitpavans were not eager to see the shastras challenged, nor the conduct of the brahmins becoming indistinguishable from that of the sudras. The vanguard and the old guard clashed many times. The chitpavan community includes two major politicians in the Gandhian tradition: Gopal Krishna Gokhale whom he acknowledged as a preceptor, and Vinoba Bhave, one of his outstanding disciples. Gandhi describes Bhave as the Jewel of his disciples, and recognized Gokhale as his political guru.However,strong opposition to Gandhi also came from within the chitpavan community.V D Savarkar, the founder of the Hindu nationalist political ideology hindutva is castiest and communal duba kor militant stealth political cult greed of power hating all the non-chitpavan brahimins which anger that is madness requiring treatment in mental asylums, was a chitpavan brahmin. Several members of the chitpavan community were among the first to embrace the hindutva ideology, which they thought was a logical extension of the legacy of the Peshwas and caste-fellow Tilak. These chitpavans felt out of place with the Jambudvipan social reform movement of Mahatama Phule and the mass politics of Mr.M.K. Gandhi. Large numbers of the community looked to Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha and finally the RSS. Gandhis assassins Narayan Apte and Nathuram Godse, drew their inspiration from fringe groups in this reactionary trend. Therefore, the RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat is saying the cultural identity of all Indians is Hindutva covering the above facts. On kobras (the konkanastha chitpavan brahmin Community) of West of the Country. The chitpavan or chitpawan, are brahmins native to the Konkan with a sizeable Christian Protestant.Until the 18th century,the chitpavans were not esteemed in social ranking, and were indeed considered by other brahmin tribes as being an inferior caste of brahmins.It remains concentrated in Maharashtra but also has populations all over the Country and rest of the world, (USA & UK.) According to Bene Israeli legend, the Chitpavan and Bene Israel are descendants from a group of 14 people shipwrecked off the Konkan coast. several immigrant groups including the Parsis, the Bene Israelis, the kudaldeshkar gaud brahmins, and the Konkani saraswat brahmins, and the chitpavan brahmins were the last of these immigrant arrivals.The satavahanas were sanskritisers. It is possibly at their time that the new group of chitpavan brahmins were formed.Also, a reference to the chitpavan surname ghaisas, written in Prakrut Marathi can be seen on a tamra-pat (bronze plaque) of the Year 1060 A.D.belonging to the King Mamruni of Shilahara Kingdom, found at Diveagar in Konkan. With the accession of balaji bhat and his family to the supreme authority of the Maratha Confederacy, chitpavan immigrants began arriving en masse from the Konkan to Pune where the Peshwa offered all important offices his fellow-castemen. The chitpavan kin were rewarded with tax relief and grants of land. Historians cite nepotism and corruption as causes of the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818. Richard Maxwell Eaton states that this rise of the chitpavans is a classic example of social rank rising with political fortune. Traditionally, the chitpavan brahmins were a community of astrologers and priests who offer religious services to other communities. The 20th century descriptions of the chitpavans list inordinate frugality, untrustworthiness, conspiratorialism, phlegmatism. Agriculture was the second major occupation in the community, practiced by the those who possess arable land. Later, chitpavans became prominent in various white collar jobs and business. Most of the chitpavan brahmins in Maharashtra have adopted Marathi as their language. Till the 1940s, most of the chitpavans in Konkan spoke a dialect called chitpavani Konkani in their homes. Even at that time, reports recorded chitpavani as a fast _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ disappearing language. But in Dakshina Kannada District and Udupi Districts of Karnataka, this language is being spoken in places like Durga and Maala of Karkala taluk and also in places like Shishila and Mundaje of Belthangady Taluk.There are no inherently nasalized vowels in standard Marathi whereas the chitpavani dialect of Marathi does have nasalized vowels. Earlier, d deshastha brahmins believed that they were the highest of all brahmins, & looked down upon the chitpavans as parvenus (a relative newcomer to a socioeconomic class),barely equal to the noblest of dvijas. Even the Peshwa was denied the rights to use the ghats reserved for Deshasth priests @ Nashik on the Godavari.Dis usurping of power by chitpavans from the deshastha Brahmins resulted in intense rivalry between the two brahmin communities which continued in late Colonial British India times. The 19th century records also mention Gramanyas or village-level debates between the Chitpavans, & two other communities, namely the Daivajnas, and the Chandraseniya Kayastha Prabhus. This lasted for about ten years.Half a century ago,Dr.Ambedkar surveyed the existing data on the physical anthropology of the different castes in his book The Untouchables.He found that the received wisdom of a racial basis of caste was not supported by the data,e.g.:The table for Bengal shows that the chandal who stands sixth in the scheme of social precedence and whose touch pollutes, is not much differentiated from the brahmin. In Bombay the deshastha brahmin bears a closer affinity to the Son-Koli, a fisherman caste, than to his own compeer, the chitpavan brahmin. The Mahar, the Untouchable of the Maratha region, comes next together with the Kunbi, the peasant. They follow in order the shenvi brahmin, the nagar brahmin and the high-caste Maratha. These results mean that there is no correspondence between social gradation and physical differentiation in Bombay. A remarkable case of differentiation in skull and nose indexes, noted by Dr. Ambedkar, was found to exist between the brahmin and the (untouchable) Chamar of Uttar Pradesh. But this does not prove that brahmins are foreigners, because the data for the U.P. brahmin were found to be very close to those for the Khattri and the untouchable Chuhra of Punjab. If the U.P. brahmin is indeed foreign to U.P., he is by no means foreign to India, at least not more than the Punjab untouchables. This confirms the scenario which we can derive from the Vedic and ItihAsa-PurANa literature:the Vedic tradition was brought east from d Vedic heartland by brahmins who were physically indistinguishable from the lower castes there, when the heartland in Punjab-Haryana at its apogee exported its culture to the whole Aryavarta (comparable to the planned importation of brahmins into Bengal and the South around the turn of the Christian era). These were just two of the numerous intra-Indian migrations of caste groups.Recent research has not refuted Ambedkar,s views. A press report on a recent anthropological survey led by Kumar Suresh Singh explains:English anthropologists contended that the upper castes of India belonged to the Caucasian race and the rest drew their origin from Australoid types.The survey has revealed this to be a myth.Biologically &linguistically, we are very mixed, says Suresh Singh () The report says that the people of India have more genes in common, and also share a large number of morphological traits. There is much greater homogenization in terms of morphological and genetic traits at the regional level, says the report. For example, the brahmins of Tamil Nadu (esp.Iyengars) share more traits with non-brahmins in d state than with fellow brahmins in western or northern India. The sons-of-the-soil theory also stands demolished. The Anthropological Survey of India has found no community in India that cant remember having migrated from some other part of the country.Internal migration accounts for much of Indias complex ethnic landscape, while there is no evidence of a separate or foreign origin for the upper castes.Among other scientists who reject the identification of caste (varNa) with race on physical-anthropological grounds, we may cite Kailash C. Malhotra:Detailed anthropometric surveys carried out among the people of Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, Bengal and Tamil Nadu revealed significant regional differences within a caste and a closer resemblance between castes of different varnas within a region than between sub-populations of the caste from different regions. On the basis of analysis of stature, cephalic and nasal index, H.K. Rakshit (1966) concludes that the Brahmins of India are heterogeneous & suggest incorporation of more than one physical type involving more than one migration of people.A more detailed study among 8 Brahmin castes in Maharashtra on whom 18 metric,16 scopic and 8 genetic markers were studied, revealed not only a great heterogeneity in both morphological and genetic characteristics but also showed that 3 Brahmin castes were closer to non-Brahmin castes than [to the] other Brahmin castes. P.P. Majumdar and K.C. Malhotra (1974) observed a great deal of heterogeneity with respect to OAB blood group system among 50 Brahmin samples spread over 11 Indian states. The evidence thus suggests that varna is a sociological and not a homogeneous biological entity.
Posted on: Tue, 12 Aug 2014 05:16:07 +0000
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