Rahimuddin Khans reign The uprising itself had suffered from a lack of direction. Some Baloch wanted independence, most only greater autonomy within Pakistan. Attacks were organised by individual Baloch separatist chiefs, rather than an organised Baloch-wide attack. Also, the Baloch separatists hoped to get the support of the USSR], which never happened. Also, the large Pashtun and Brahvi minorities in Balochistan did not take part and were hostile to the idea of a separate Balochistan. Another Pathan who was hostile to the idea of a separate Balochistan was Rahimuddin Khan, a distinguished Lieutenant General at the time (later General). Soon after Zias assuming power, Rahimuddin was appointed Martial Law Governor of Balochistan, a position that headed all affairs to do with the province, and thus was, for the Pakistani government, a phenomenally powerful post. Rahimuddins unprecedented long rule (1978–84) crushed any armed uprisings within the province with an iron fist. His completely isolating Baloch Sardars from provincial policy was a move that, over time, gained increasing controversy], due to the unheard of nature of Rahimuddins style of government.Past rulers had tried to appease the feudal lords; Rahimuddin went out of his way to isolate them from any position of provincial power,and tried to appease the common masses of the province by promoting economic growth. This, in retrospect, ultimately led to the most stable period Balochistan has ever witnessed after the British left. Economic expansion was also impressive during Rahimuddins reign. Old grievances Gnome-searchtool.svg This sections factual accuracy is disputed. (March 2008) The causes of grievances in Balochistan are twofold. On one side there are tribal leaders who want no development in the area; on the other side is the government, who is reluctant to go against tribal leaders. Natural gas development in the city of Sui has never benefited the people of Balochistan. Huge royalties are paid to Sardar of Sui, but the money fails to reach the areas poor; the federal government earns billions from gas extracted from the province, but gives onl y a fraction back to Balochistan for development, and this fraction is largely improperly spent; the provincial autonomy promised in the 1973 constitution is nonexistent, etc. Balochistan] remains a neglected backwater of Pakistan largely due to internal and external politics. Balochistans internal politics have been factionalised by federal interference and meddling in the pursuit of dubious strategic regional interests. The provinces drought-stricken pastoral economy cannot even provide for its small population.Government neglect,and growing support for tribal leaders has strengthened the ranks of the separatists and increased their clout. The danger in Balochistan is twofold. The nascent but alienated middle class in the few towns of Balochistan is now rallying behind the nationalists and accepts the sard ars spearheading PONM as genuine leaders. At the same time, the developmental lag in the province is sufficient to substantiate the anti-centre stance of the PONM. That is why any military action in the province may perhaps completely lack local support. Locals may support military action if it is against the sardars who are eating their resources, but this is unlikely as the federal government does not want to create any more problems in Balochistan. Even the PONM is not representing all of Balochistan, as its ideology is very narrow and its leader rarely delivers. The other destabilizing factor relates to the ongoing battle against the combined forces of the Taliban an d Al Qaeda in thearea. The Pashtuns in Balochistan also have serious problems with the federal governments policy on the Pakistani-Afghan frontier. This could be troublesome, since Pashtun nationalism has also been responsible for the internationally-reported presence of the Taliban in the province.
Posted on: Tue, 21 Oct 2014 05:27:18 +0000
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