‘THE OTHER SIDE’ with Katdapba Y. Gobum So that Sayawa people can be free THE struggle of the Sayawa people of Bauchi State against marginalization has been a tortuous one. Only the people of the area can reveal the indignities they have gone through the years and indeed the number of people that may have been lost as of the struggle. Indeed many lives have been lost and will be except if the emasculation is stopped and they are given a voice. As I sat to write this, my sadness increased as I tried to come to terms with the number of other tribes that populate this area. I have some knowledge about its people and for this; one is disturbed with the trend that has continued unabated. With the deaths of many of their comrades over the years, and the attendant sufferings that have been visited on the people of the area; one would have thought they may have since surrendered. Not these people, for as they are the more emasculated, the stronger and determined they become. That is the nature of genuine struggles over history, all over the world. There are no struggles that do not come with distinctive characteristics; the Sayawa couldn’t be any different. Some of the tribes that have been embroiled in the struggle apart from the Sayawa, which appears the ‘dominant’ of the ‘minority’ tribes include: Bijim, Ngas, Sigdi, Jarawa, Mbarawa and Afrizere. The Hausa and Fulani are also part of the community. No doubt, this struggle has been intense and combative. Recall that a member of the Bauchi State House of Assembly representing Bogoro, Rifkatu Samson Danna was suspended exactly a year last month from the activities of the House. Knowing where to get justice, she headed to the High Court. After some judicial rigmarole, the Chief Judge of the state, Justice Ibrahim Mohammed Zango ruled that she had every reason to be back to the house doing what she was elected by her constituency of Bogoro to carry out. That judgment was instructive for several reasons. For questioning the legitimacy of the state government through the House of Assembly moving the headquarters of the TafawaBalewa LGC to Bununu, she was slammed with an indefinite suspension. She was told if she wanted to return to doing the business of legislation, she needed to apologize in writing to the house that she ‘opened her mouth too wide as to be accepted’ by her colleagues. She wouldn’t, as she chose a dignified form. She would rather not go the way her colleagues wanted. But her colleagues wouldn’t take that from her. They sent her back home, but she chose the rather more honuorable way to fight them: take her case to the court. But like we said above, it took a year before she received justice from no less a person than the chief judge of the state himself. As it is, her colleagues (House) have chosen not to allow her return. They are buying time by appealing the judgment, but they can’t delay the movement of the people. That is typical considering the subject of the matter, and it means her constituency will have no representation, so long as she stays at home. There are so many questions to be asked: what if it was not a woman involved in the Sayawa case, would they have done that to a non minority representative of the people? What difference does it make between a verbal and written apology in a matter considered close to the hearts of her people, who have been marginalized? Would this have happened had the representative had come from a different constituency apart from the areas that have received so much marginalization? We needed to ask these questions so as to establish the basis for our probing and also with a view to establishing if genuine protestations should not be allowed in our land. I believe that the struggle of the Sayawa and indeed other minority groups for self actualization has found relevance in the context of what it stands for. When on Friday, June 28, 2013, the Council of Sayawa (Zaar) Chiefdom of TafawaBalewa and Bogoro local government areas addressed the press in Jos, it was for a reason. The thought that came up, was why the council would not have had its press briefing somewhere in Bauchi. It was not a mistake, they insisted, as doing it there would have meant total black out for the struggle the people are engaged in. For starters, let it be known that the root cause of the current struggle does (may) not stem from perceived injustice of recent. Don’t get me wrong. It is a combination of a buildup of certain protestations (genuine grudges) of the people on issues that relate to them. It is a known fact that the people of the area have been united against the relocation of the TafawaBalewa local government council headquarters by government to Bununu. That is why, all that they are asking are: reversing its unconstitutional and illegal decision to relocate the headquarters of TafawaBalewa local government back to TafawaBalewa and amend the Administrative Districts and Village Areas Law 2013 to give due recognition to the territory of the Sayawa chiefdom. They are not asking for the world, but something that gives them an identity, and for me; that is not too much to give, just so if it allows everyone live in peace. For those who do not know TafawaBalewa was created in 1976 and remained so until Bogoro was carved out of it in 1996. I am sure they have since been grateful for this development. As it is, they are at a loss. The Sayawa people have aptly cited the fact that several parts of the state like Bauchi, Azare, Misau, Ningi and Alkaleri have been affected by crisis, but wondered why the case of TafawaBalewa local government area should be treated differently. That, to them, is selective justice. In their words they alleged: this was an act of gross provocation done by the governor to force a reaction on the peace loving people of TafawaBalewa in order to pave way for the governor to execute his sadistic agenda of destroying the town, which he has professed publicly and has tried very hard to achieve without success. They think that their aspirations cannot be met at Bununu – a town they say is so ‘hostile to Christianity that has not single church standing (all the churches that were there was burn down and missionaries chased away)’. The world knows that the business of changing the headquarters of a local government has a constitutional process. They alleged it was not followed thereby setting them on a part of reaction, but rather have chosen to take their case to God, who rules over the entire world. As if that is not enough punishment for the people for the area, they alleged that a recent law on the creation of districts and village areas was done ‘in order to skew our people and villages out of relevance’. We can spend a whole year discussing this issue; yet methinks there is more to it than meet the eye. For the sake of the struggle, there is the need to state a few of the attacks which they alleged have taken place since the relocation of the local government headquarters in February 2012. If these are true, the people have every right to protest and to demand that they be left at TafawaBalewa. They are used unedited here: a.On the 15th March 2012, Pekman a non-Muslim and Sayawa village in Bula district, very close to T/Balewa was attacked and more than 10 houses were burnt down. b.On 10th May 2012, Kutaru village, a non-Muslim and Sayawa town very close to TafawaBalewa was attacked; late MadakiAyuba and his younger brother Ibrahim Diga were killed. c.On 14th May 2012, TafawaBalewa town was attacked and late Demar Musa was killed and another person was seriously wounded. d.On 11th July 2012, Dunga Sabo, a ward in TafawaBalewa town was attacked and 4-people were killed, while SamailaIshaku, Hassan Ishaku, Rhoda Luka, Gode Luka, Anna Bulus another was wounded. e.On 2nd August 2012, Dunga T/Balewa, a ward in T/Balewa was attacked again and Martha Haruna was killed. f.On 6th September 2012, GongoSabonLayi, a non-Muslim and Sayawa village in T/Balewa, Lere district was attacked, the Hamlet head, IliyaDuna was critically wounded. g.On 10th September 2012, the Fulani militia ambushed a commercial vehicle carrying Christians along Bauchi-TafawaBalewa road (over 20 passengers were in the vehicle), 4 of which were killed and 10 others were critically injured. h.On 24th September 2012, Arewa village, a suburb of TafawaBalewa town was attacked and Mrs. John Markus Pama was critically wounded. i.On 1st October 2012, Zwall market which is Jarawa/Fulani town close to TafawaBalewa, was attacked and 3 Christians were noticed and killed including SafiyaYakubu and two-others from Mangu in Plateau state. j. On 18th October 2012, Christians travelling from TafawaBalewa to Bauchi were again ambushed on the road and 4 people were killed and 3 others were critically wounded. k. On 22nd October 2012, Mingil village, a suburb of TafawaBalewa was attacked and one person was wounded. l.On 8th December 2012, Gwashe village, in Lere district of TafawaBalewa was attached and 3 Sayawa Christians were carefully selected and killed and one other person was injured. m.On 17th 2012, two (2) Christians were way laid along Lere-Gindiri road and killed. n.On 27th and 28th February 2013, TafawaBalewa town was attacked but the Mercenaries were not successful. o.On 11th March 2013, Kutaru village was again attacked and 3 people were wounded. p.On 17th April 2013, Kundum village, in Lere district was attacked and prominent Christian’s medical personnel, IshayaAgwam was killed. q.On 29th April 2013, Muntokshi village, a suburb of TafawaBalewa was attacked and 5 houses were burnt down. One is happy on one hand with their conclusion, but sad on the other: There is so much being done to provoke them to react; yet as peaceful people, they will remain so, charting its course and seeking redress through all appropriate channels. If the struggle is their lives, the people of TafawaBalewa and Bogoro have a case and the world should unite behind them in order to get them liberated.
Posted on: Sun, 07 Jul 2013 07:47:48 +0000
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