Dmitry Chekalkin shared a link----- Russian Resentment Mania Ukraine One of the amazing metamorphosis of Russian mass consciousness in 2014 - his pathological fixation on Ukraine. Crednestatistichesky Russian knows all about the candy business Poroshenko, business cards Yarosh, assets Kolomoiskiy, spits Tymoshenko, well versed in the geography of the neighboring country, knows the results of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine is much better than the Duma elections in Russia or regional elections at home, and is ready to talk for hours the ukrah, svidomitah punishers and Bandera. There is considerable evidence of how the people of middle and older generation after watching Russian TV news about Ukraine were excited to such an extent that they started to run around the house, spewing curses against ukrofashistov, so that it is time to talk about the mania of Ukraine, on the basis of mass psychosis TV propaganda. Ukraine has become a mental landfill post-Soviet consciousness where we practiced hatred (hate speech), designing other techniques, methods of mass mobilization. Such an unhealthy fixation on neighboring countries shows a deep post-imperial trauma. Ukrainians were too close, too similar to Russia allowed them to get away so easily. Throughout the 23 years of independence Ukrainian independence was perceived as a misunderstanding, anecdote - that word is usually pronounced in Russia with ironic overtones. Moldovan, Tajik, Russian Belarusian independence even accepted calmly, and Ukrainian could not, and it is not about the Imperials and rooted in the soil and on the broadest layers of the educated class who saw Ukraine as the banana republic and at the same time held his deep resentment against unreasonable younger brother that defiantly rejected consanguinity. This resentment in the famous poem Brodsky On the independence of Ukraine has become a genuine hatred: With God, eagles and Cossacks, Getman, the guard, and only when you come to die, Bug Will you wheeze, scratching the edge of the mattress, a line from Alexander, not nonsense Taras. Like Pushkin, with its anti-Polish ode Slanderers Russia dissident and an idol of the liberal intelligentsia Brodsky Heres full of great wounded consciousness, which he had brought from Russia along with the memory of the imperial grandeur of St. Petersburg. Slave revolt And yet, in a jealous Russian attention to Ukraine over the last year was more than nostalgia for the Empire. Post-imperial phantom pain experienced and Britain, and France, but none of them compared himself to former colonies. In the case of Russia, we can speak of a deeper psychological mechanism - a symbolic compensation, transference, projection of their own complexes and frustrations on the symbolic figure of the Other. This was in April 2014 said in one of his last public appearances Boris Dubin: Its very strange mechanism when their own problems and the inability to cope with them are transferred to the other through the barrier to reduce these others. After all that was said in Russia about what is happening in Ukraine - its not about Ukraine said, but about Russia, thats the whole point! But thanks to this course it is possible, first, to remove the burden of all this, and secondly - in principle, to discuss, at least to put these issues, bring them to the attention. At the same time Russia itself for itself is blind spot, refuse from their own actions, not see myself. In fact, Dubin described the classical state of resentment, did not use the word itself. In ethics resentment assumed sense of hostility to what the subject thinks that the reason for their failures (to the enemy), impotent envy consciousness futility raise their status in society [1] . This is a continuation of an inferiority complex, which in compensation forms its own system of morality, which denies the value of the enemy, and conferred upon him the blame for their own failures. The notion of resentment was first introduced by Friedrich Nietzsche in his paper On the Genealogy of Morals. In the opinion of the German philosopher, resentment is the defining characteristic of the morality of slaves - inferior race that is not capable of historical activity, a change in the circumstances of their lives. Ressentiment, according to Nietzsche, manifests itself in the slave revolt: Slave revolt in morality begins with the fact that ressentiment itself becomes creative and gives rise to moral values ... are always in need of slaves for its origin primarily in opposing and the outside world, needs, saying physiological terms, external stimuli to act at all - its share initial reaction is [2] (the Genealogy of Morals, 1:10). In other words, in the words of Yakov Krotov, resentment - a hatred servant to all, where he fancies freedom [3] . Nietzsche wrote about resentment in 1887, but his words were heard anew in a quarter century, on the eve of World War I, in 1912, when the monograph of resentment wrote Max Scheler, German Lutheran who converted to Catholicism. Man tragic vision, committed suicide in 1928, he foresaw the coming turmoil and actually predicted the Weimar resentment in post-war Germany, which was born out of such a figure, as a failed painter and architect of Adolf Hitler. Hitler (and Stalin seminarian loser) - a figure of Dostoyevsky, spiteful and vindictive underground man, Dorval to the heights of power, in the province Smerdyakov. Not by chance in his work Scheler refers to the images of Russian literature: Neither literature so not full of resentment, as a young Russian literature. Books Dostoevsky, Gogol, Tolstoys just teeming with characters, charged resentment. This state of affairs - a consequence of centuries of oppression of the people and the autocracy is impossible because of the lack of freedom of the press and Parliament to give vent to the feelings that arise under the pressure of authority [4] . In fact, Russia - a country classical resentment. On the one hand, it century after century, various forms of birth are played slavery - from serfdom to the Soviet registration and current corporate state, and the state slavery is not only tributary population, but also the privileged classes, including the nobility, which is required to power the titles, estates and most of his life, not to mention the industrial and commercial estates, whose property has always been conditional, dependent on the whims of the authorities. Under these conditions, in a society develops resentment, lack of demand, unrecognized talent, there are such resentimentnye figures as superfluous man and underground man, showing pocket fig Crystal Palace rational world order - and from it there on to Petrusha Verkhovenskii to terrorists, suicide and Nechaev. On the other hand, has been more than three hundred years, counted from the Peter I (or nearly five hundred, counted from the first encounter with Russian technology gunpowder revolution under Ivan IV), Russia jealously copies the West, now and then distancing himself from this imitation. The phenomenon of catch-up modernization and the continuing gap to the leaders of the global world (Britain in XVIII-XIX centuries. And the United States in XX-XXI centuries.) On the main socio-economic indicators - a fertile ground for foreign resentment. Russia sees itself as Cinderella, unjustly forgotten stepmother and sisters, it presents itself as a nation-sacrifice that his body will save the world from destruction, from the Mongol-Tatar yoke or fascist hordes. This victimization Russian repeatedly stressed Rozanov, comparing them with the Jews, who also strong set of people-sacrifice. Not by chance in Russia developed conspiracy theories, fantasy world behind the scenes, which for centuries weaving plots against our country - but these are just variations on the theme of resentment stemming from the inability to change the external circumstances of its existence, from the inability to catch up with the West to overcome its provincialism. Powerlessness results in the demonization of the enemy, in the creation of a fictional reality where Russia alone is opposed to the rest of the world. Putins resentment Russian zero - a vivid example of resentment, which became state policy. One of the main propaganda myths of the Putin era, which began actively to unwind almost from the first months of Putin came to power, has become a theory of defeat Russia since lament about the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the XX century, which was the collapse of the USSR, and ending with the conventional wisdom meme of dashing nineties. According to common thinking peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union (as opposed, for example, the explosive disintegration of Yugoslavia) was not a defeat for Russia, and a chance for her, keeping the main territory, population, nuclear potential and succession from the Soviet Union by getting rid of costly imperial ballast, to make the post-industrial transition to join the golden billion global North. Actually, the active part of the Russian population, including all of the ruling elite and President Putin himself, has successfully used this chance. Russian zero, recovering from the crisis of 1998, using the tailwind of a weak ruble and rising oil prices steadily rose from his knees, doubled GDP, to join the WTO, cooperated with the US in the war on terror - but for home use to replicate the myth of the geopolitical defeat , humiliation and looting of Russian liberalism and a world of its appointees Yeltsin, Gaidar and Chubais. The thought of defeat and resentment against the reformers and the world have become a convenient excuse for immobility and social parasitism of the Putin era coincided with the Russian penchant for deep resentment. As noted by Mikhail Yampolsky, Russian society, from Putin to the last switchman, equally is the bearer of resentment. For Putin, it is a source of non-recognition of his and Russia as equal and respected player on the world stage for a scapegoat - the helplessness in the face of police officers, judges and bandits. Resentimentnye fantasies of power at some point went into a strange resonance with resentimentnymi fantasies inhabitants [5] . Modern Russian resentment is divided into two layers. On the one hand, there is skillfully constructed political strategists and analysts pro-government theme of humiliation West Russia: Sergei Karaganov says lasted nearly a quarter century of creeping military and economic and political expansion in the scope of its vital interests, in fact - Versailles policy of velvet gloves which gave rise to a large part of the elite and the population a sense of humiliation and the desire for revenge [6] . Seems to be happening quite the opposite process: for 25 years, the West tried to integrate Russia into their institutions, offering her privileged conditions partnerships with both NATO and the EU, while the humiliation elite hastily acquired petrodollars for Western property, citizenship for their families and education for their children. But Russia is not generally used the open window of opportunities, continuing to repeat the mantra about the insult and humiliation and inflating NATOs war in Kosovo in 1999 to the size of universal catastrophe. Operation Allied Force was indeed hasty, ill-conceived and unlawful act, but it was not aimed directly against Russia, and even more so this error does not give Russia the West right to build on it its foreign policy on the principle: The West can, but we can not ? . Vladimir Putins foreign policy concept, as follows from its Valdai Speech, delivered at a meeting of the Valdai Club in Sochi, October 24, 2014, is fully integrated into the paradigm of respect and humiliation: Do you remember the wonderful phrase that is allowed to Jupiter is not allowed a bull. We can not agree with such formulations. Perhaps the bull is not allowed, but I want to tell you that bear anybodys permission will not ask. Generally, it is considered to have the owner of the taiga and is not going, I know this for sure, somewhere to move to other climatic zones, where it uncomfortable. But he taiga no one will give her. Yes, the Soviet Union was called Upper Volta with missiles. Maybe, but the missiles were - heaps. And they were so bright political figures, Nikita Khrushchev, who pounded his boot in the UN. And everyone in the world, primarily in the United States, NATO, thought: Oh, its bounce, this Nikita and his ilk, take the Weird, rockets have full - it is better to treat them with respect [7] . It follows from all figurative series taiga, bear, boot and missiles, the Russian president are important male concept of respect and authority. In this logic, the West has not shown proper respect, has not responded to Russias openness to cooperation after September 11, 2001, when Vladimir Putin was the first world leader expressed his support for George W. Bush and offered him a global partnership in the fight against terror. As the long-term observer of the Kremlin life Igor Jurgens, and Putins closest associates and feeling overwhelmed humilation and betrayal - humiliation and betrayal by the West (at least, so it seemed) [8] . Breakpoint was obviously autumn 2004: first terrorist attack in Beslan, in which President Putin unexpectedly accused some unannounced forces behind the terrorists who want to snatch from the Russian pieces fatter, obviously referring to the West [9] . And then there was the orange revolution in Ukraine, where the Kremlin has directly accused the United States, ostensibly seeking to weaken Russia, put it a key partner. Putins stubborn refusal to see the real forces and processes that led to the Beslan and to the Maidan (the collapse of the Moscow-backed neopatrimonial regimes in the Caucasus and Kiev), the desire to blame everything on the machinations of the United States - is typical of resentment, attempt to transfer their own failures on the figure of an external enemy. On the other hand, there is massive resentment of the general public who were unable to adapt to the new market reality, global flows of finance, information, images, migrants, technology and vent their resentment against the Russian liberals and reformers. Expression of sentiments of these layers were many parties, from the Communist Party to the homeland and Fair Russia, but full of all the past 20 years, their is Vladimir Zhirinovskys LDPR, which very precisely formulated the slogan of national resentment: In Russian, with the poor!. This catchy slogan insult Russian postulated as an axiom, no one explains why the Russian poor and poorer than they were, say, Tajiks, Moldovans and other post-Soviet transit travel. Before our eyes, becomes the dominant discourse of resentment in the public field, turns into a special genre of Russian politics. Offended and Humiliated In the Brezhnev era went anecdote about a sixth sense Soviet man - great satisfaction that ought to feel when being apprised of the next plenum. Now it seems that the basic instinct of post-Soviet man is the sense of the opposite properties: the insult to the world. In public discourse, there are special groups, on whose behalf formulated grievances, such as veterans. Back in 2009, veterans, led by VI had long been offended by the sign cafe anti-Soviet barbecue and statements Alexander Podrabinek, who suggested that among the outraged have KGB executioners. Following Podrabinek veterans offended by Gozman, who compared SMERSH and the SS. It seems that veterans (not only the war, they just left one, and often labor CC or CHK) - a group of special response on behalf of which it is most convenient to denounce and condemn; they are needed in the days of national holidays and popular anger, in other days on the calendar of the state forgets them safely, leaving them alone with a miserable pension and benefits. Another group of disgruntled - is the Orthodox community, which every now and then sees blasphemy in performances of ideal husband directed by Konstantin Bogomolov to Jesus Christ - Superstar in Rostov. The chorus of victims unexpectedly joined by security forces: the guards of the temple of Christ the Savior felt anguish at the sight of the performance Pussy Riot, riot police and fragile Swamp scared flown out from the crowd of lemon and impose chipped tooth enamel as bodily injury. Today, just right to put in a museum is not a Bolshevik crying and crying enforcer [10] . Soviet practice of speech returned to active turnover. Power was raised simulacrum outraged public, workers letters, Togliatti opposed the monument Solzhenitsyn, Novgorod wonder about the survey on TV Rain. This is a typical phenomenon kollektivizitsii speech, creating a collective body with its sacramental Pasternak did not read (Pussy Riot have not seen), but outraged. This communal body, speaking through the mouth of the veterans, security guards, Uralvagonzavod loyal artists, Party activists of United Russia and trained journalists on straight lines. There is a whole class of professional offended, who, under the guise of the voice of the people will broadcast the masters of discourse and in essence are an effective tool of repression, pervasive censorship of the collective unconscious [11] . Spreading resentment discourse, power actually makes clean-up hands of the public; like a virus reproduces itself resentment in society and creates new prohibitions taboo topics and groups disgruntled citizens. Formally mode at anything, it only draws legislation will of the people expressed in all sorts of hysterical denunciations and collective letters - but in fact it is this will also designs and manipulates it [12] . Marsh losers From teenage complexes authorities, child disappointment elite in the West and social infantilism of the population was born the myth of Ukrainian fascism. Resentment demanded object to a symbolic place: for twenty years defamation conditional gaydarochubays has become boring, Marsh was defeated, America seemed far away, and then came the Maidan. Ukraine for the second time in ten years dared disobey his elder brother and tried to get out of the paternalistic paradigm shift in the way the bourgeois-democratic revolution and European development. The answer was consolidated Russian resentment, which merged unsatisfied ambitions of the Kremlin and jealousy elder brother. Ukraine was declared a traitor, and it seemed a betrayal of the more offensive that Ukrainians believe their blood, closest to the Slavic family. In the theme of betrayal Ukrainian clearly echoes the Weimar resentment and theory Dolchstoss , Jewish stab in the back, which was popular in Germany of 1920-1930. The invention Ukrainian fascism - a diabolical triumph of spin doctors, who managed to create the myth of the Bandera, The Punisher and pravosekah and inspire his power and the notorious 96% of the population through television. For the entire 2014 Russia, including President Putin, moved to television, in an infinite series, in a parallel reality where the Nazis marched in Kiev, punishers knocked Malaysian Boeing and crucified boy Slavyansk, and the West sponsored Maidan, planned to take in Ukraine NATO and place the ships of the Sixth Fleet in Sevastopol. Characterized by the use of Russian propaganda image of fascism as a synonym for the absolute, final, evil, final dehumanization of the enemy. Fascism in the Russian discourse has a universal value to others, all the latest Russian identity is built on ideologeme victory over Nazism. Occurs ontologisation conflict with Ukraine as an absolute good fight with absolute evil. And here ressentiment, according to Nietzsche, creates its own system of values, slave morality that says no to the outside, other not-currently. Mikhail Yampolsky says French political philosopher Etienne Balibar, who called ressentiment antipolitikoy: antipolitika - not just a result of the crisis of statehood, but also the product of Nietzsche resentment, rooted in the inability to act positively. We always have, as Nietzsche thought, only pure negativity , the response to the resistance of the external world [13] . Russias war in Ukraine - antipolitiki example, pure negativity, based on a sense of inferiority, compensation for the inferiority complex of the elite of the West and the population - in relation to the circumstances of their lives. Power can not change the role of Russia in the international arena with the help of soft power, qualitative economic growth, gain the respect and recognition of the partners. The vast majority of the population, locked within the restored Putin estate system, and can not go beyond the state paternalism (in fact, the birth of slavery) and social parasitism, syndrome of learned helplessness. Symbolic compensation was to create a fictional enemy in Ukraine and imaginary victories - the annexation of the Crimea and the creation of pirate republics Donetsk and Lugansk. But in fact Krymnash and the actual rejection southeast of Ukraine became the march of the losers. This is the last parade forces victims historic defeat in the struggle against globalization. They lost in a collision with an open society and the mobilization of citizens, with the Internet and the European Union, with contemporary art and the financial markets, with the soft power and complex structures. Crimean resentment - a contract with a critical mass of power have failed to adapt this apology weakness, defensive outgoing nature, historical dead end. The irony in the fact that invented resentimentnye resentment become reality. Russian spirits cried so hard confrontation, which ultimately received sanctions that are just beginning to affect the economy and standard of living. Russian geopolitics so vividly frightened us with tales of NATO expansion to Ukraine that its paranoid politics eventually turned Ukraine into a friendly country and made decisions about the expansion of NATO military presence and the permanent basing in the Baltic States. And Putin so long and defiantly took offense to the West that he finally replied to him in return, isolating the Russian president at the summit in Brisbane. Resentment - its a vicious circle, generating a hostile environment: to carry water offended. In the future, Russia will inevitably clash with reality, healing from empty ambition, invented by resentment and inferiority complex, reconciliation with the status of middle-income countries and medium-sized opportunities (a mediocre state, as outlined its prospects in a recent article by Sir Robert Skidelsky), understanding that there is no no global war with the West for resources, but only the desire of the West to see Russia as a stable and non-aggressive, even with an authoritarian government. One can only hope that the recovery from the post-Soviet Russian resentment will not appear as much painful and bloody, as the healing of resentment for Weimar Germany.
Posted on: Tue, 20 Jan 2015 23:20:32 +0000
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