FACT 5 -Facts of AndhraPradesh మిత్రులారా!!!! మీరు లైక్ చెయ్యక పోయిన పరవాలేదు కానీ షేర్ చెయ్యడం మాత్రం మరువకండి మీ మిత్రులతో మీ టైమ్ లైన్ ద్వారా.... నిజాలని పంచుకోండి నిర్భయంగా ఇప్పటికయినా!!!! 17 నిప్పులాంటి నిజాలతో మన రాష్ట్రంలో ఈరోజు జరుగుతున్న రాక్షస క్రీడ ఎవరికోసమొ ఆలోచింపచేసే నిజాలు అన్నీ SRK కమిటి రిపోర్ట్ లోనివి. నాకు అర్ధం కానిది ఏంటి అంటే అన్యాయం జరిగింధి అనే వాళ్ళు న్యాయస్థానాన్ని ఎంధుకు ఆశ్రయించరా అనేదే!!!! అంటే ప్రైవేట్ సెత్త్లెమెంట్స్ చేసే మన నాయకులకి వాళ్ళని గుడ్డిగా అనుసరించే కార్యకర్తలకి ప్రజాస్వామ్య వ్యవస్థ మీద నమ్మకం లేదా!!! https://facebook/pages/Facts-of-Andhrapradesh/634933209862273 The SKC remarked that "It is a fact that most of the economic and developmental parameters show that Telangana (excluding Hyderabad city but including Hyderabad suburbs) is either on par with or a shade lower than Coastal Andhra. (2.15.03 on Page 119) Telugu version - visalandhra.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/skc-telugu1.pdf In comparison with the Rayalaseema region, the SKC remarked that "Thus, on the whole, it would appear that the deprived region is Rayalaseema not Telangana" (2.15.03 on Page 119) Overall, in spite of 50-plus years of policy protected planning and execution, one finds regional variations in the economic development of AP. The rate of growth in the development parameters summed up below is found to be robust both in Telangana (even after excluding Hyderabad) and coastal Andhra. (p. 118). The SKC noted that the Planning Commission had notified as backward nine of the ten Telangana districts, with the exception of Hyderabad, and resources have been allocated under its Backward Region Grant Fund (BRGF). These districts contain, as the SKC says, 87% of the population of Telangana. (p. 81) Considering the allegation that "Telangana has lower per capita income, lower access to employment, lower business opportunities and low access to education and so on", SKC says, "At the outset, some or all such allegations appear true when absolute amounts, numbers and percentages are reviewed" (p. 117). “The implementation of G.O. 610 during 1985 to 2005 was, at best, tardy, which remains a grievance of Telangana employees. This issue continues to be highly contentious even today (p.48).” Girgliani Report on GO. 610 estimated 140,000 Telangana jobs diverted to Seemandhra persons. “However, the data received from the State Government shows (Appendix 3.16) that the combined amount released to government and aided colleges together is Rs. 930 million in Telangana while it is 2.24 billion in coastal Andhra (with college-going population similar to that in Telangana) and 910 million in Rayalaseema (with population share being less than half that in Telangana)” (p. 153). “The real income of the agricultural wage labourers has declined considerably in Telangana whereas it has increased considerably in coastal Andhra region. Similarly, the SCs, STs and minorities in Telangana region have suffered a decline in income during the past about decade or more, whereas these communities have gained substantially in Coastal Andhra (p.119)”. “Although as a sub-regional movement, the Telangana movement does not pose a threat to national unity" (p. 344). “The Telangana movement can be interpreted as a desire for greater democracy and empowerment within a political unit. As stated earlier, sub-regionalism is a movement, which is not necessarily primordial but is essentially modern – in the direction of a balanced and equitable modernisation. Our analysis shows that cutting across caste, religion, gender and other divisions, the Telangana movement brings a focus on the development of the region as a whole, a focus on rights and access to regional resources and, further, it pitches for a rights-based development perspective whereby groups and communities put forth their agendas within a larger vision of equitable development" (p. 415). “However, given the long-standing history of the demand for a separate State, the deep penetration of the sense of grievance and the widespread emotion around the issue, unless genuine steps are taken to address both real and perceived disparities, the demand is unlikely to go away permanently even if it is subdued temporarily" (p. 417). “Thus, from the point of view of sheer size of economy, Telangana as a new State can sustain itself both with and without Hyderabad. The other combination of regions – coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema together can also sustain themselves as a State; in fact, they can also sustain themselves separately" (p. 121). “In view of the complex background of the situation and the rather serious and sensitive emotional aspects involved, the Committee is of the unanimous view that it would not be practical to simply maintain the status quo in respect of the situation" (p. 442). “Given the above first hand observations of the Committee during its tours of the regions, the Committee feels that the issue of sentiment has to be considered only as one among several factors to be evaluated. While not discounting people’s wishes or sentiments, the overall implications of bifurcation (or trifurcation as the case may be) have to be carefully delineated to arrive at a responsible recommendation"(p. 352–353). “The Committee is of the view that given the long history of the demand for a separate Telangana, the highly charged emotions at present and the likelihood of the agitation continuing in case the demand is not met (unless handled deftly, tactfully and firmly as discussed under option six), consideration has to be given to this option. The grievances of the people of Telangana, such as non-implementation of some of the key decisions included in the Gentleman’s Agreement (1956), certain amount of neglect in implementation of water and irrigation schemes, inadequate provision for education infrastructure (excluding Hyderabad), and the undue delay in the implementation of the Presidential order on public employment, etc., have contributed to the felt psyche of discrimination and domination, with the issue attaining an emotional pitch. The continuing demand, therefore, for a separate Telangana, the Committee felt, has some merit and is not entirely unjustified" (p. 453). “Therefore, after taking into account all the pros and cons, the Committee did not think it to be the most preferred, but the second best, option. Separation is recommended only in case it is unavoidable and if this decision can be reached amicably amongst all the three regions" (p. 453). The delay in the formation of Telangana will create Political crisis and the Maoist movement is likely to get a fillip in such a situation(page 411)
Posted on: Wed, 02 Oct 2013 18:10:19 +0000