Fayose’s politics of ‘grass-roots politics’ This piece is not intended as another commentary on the Ekiti election. That election, as it is, has already had its fair share of analysis from pundits, professors, politicians and putterers. This is more of contemplation on the terminology of “grass-roots politics,” a phrase that has been brandished like the sword of vengeance by the supporters of Governor-elect Ayodele Fayose, to explain his success at the polls. I believe there is so much taken for granted in their deployment of the term. My prior understanding of grass-roots politics or activism is that it is an anti-establishment movement, organic in nature, community-based, and functions in a bottom-up manner. (A caveat: I acknowledge that in the Nigerian context, certain delineation can be hard to make. For instance, what, really, will be an anti-establishment choice in a selection that involves the Peoples Democratic Party and the All Progressives Congress?) Yet, Fayose’s victory and the constant refrain of “grass roots” calls for more than a cursory look at the politics of what is fast becoming a buzzword in Nigerian political lexicon. Senator Bukola Saraki is one of those surfing the wave of the “grass-roots politics.” He recently declared that Fayose learnt grass-roots orientation from Kwara State. If Saraki’s attempt to insert himself and his father’s political dynasty into the Ekiti phenomenon is anything to go by, then “grass-roots politics” must be his father’s famous ‘amala politics’ – gather the Lazaruses, the wretched of the earth together, feed them crumbs that drop from your overflowing table; be consistent about it and you will eventually have charge over their abject souls. To seal your lordship over their lives, send them to Mecca (or some other holy land) and they are sure to sell you their selves without even asking for any change in return. Sarakis’ “grassrootocracy” is neither isolated nor a new phenomenon in the South-West; it regularly happens in places where there is a thriving Islamic culture. The late Lamidi Adedibu built an empire and garnered political capital from his charitable activities of feeding, clothing and housing some poor folk who in turn rewarded him by relinquishing their claim to dignity to him. Since the late Aare Musulumi of Yorubaland, Arisekola-Alao, died, people have showered endless encomiums on him for his “grass-roots” appeal – he fed the poor and they owed their claim to humanity to his magnanimity. In the case of the Sarakis – both father and son – humanity is simultaneously endowed and denied. People have trampled one another to death while hustling for a mess of pottage in some of their seasonal feeding centres. So, I wonder, is this what “grass-roots politics” in Nigeria is all about or what we are witnessing is a subversion of a good idea? Where are the moral conservatism and a sense of collective values that, ideally, drive what is called grass-roots politics? It seems to me that the Nigerian grass roots politics is more about transcendence than an upended pyramid. In other words, this is the politics of a rich (or perhaps middle class) candidate who can appeal to the lower class folk even without him renouncing or yielding his upper class privileges. The sin of Governor Kayode Fayemi then must be his failure to transcend his polished class and ride on Okada, converse with garri sellers and get his fingers dirty in the marketplace. Like Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State, I worry that the electorate would complain a candidate speaks “too much English” and opt for his opponent who speaks “the language of the people.” Let’s not make the mistake of thinking the “language of the people” here is all about speaking Ekiti dialect. What is going on here is a subtle “Boko Haramic” sentiment that demonises westernisation. When evoked by the electorate, it also points to something more worrying – any group of people or set of voters who have an inherent fear, distrust or disdain for intellection are also likely to be resistant of anything that symbolises modernity. They will rather it reaches down to their level rather than they aspire to its heights. If it gets too complicated, they will drop it instead of figuring it out. The main contender for governorship in Osun State, Iyiola Omisore, has been copying Fayose’s methods and watching his display, I had to ask if this is not the (mis)direction grass- roots politics will be taken through by desperate politicians. Now, Omisore is photographed jumping on Okada from one rural community to the other. Another time, he is buying popcorn in the market and trying to blend with the local folk even though his body language betrays the sincerity of his efforts. There is little doubt that the underlay of Fayose’s “grass- roots politics” and its success in the Ekiti election were principally a class thing. Fayose had plebian appeal and it was so effective he did not even need to articulate a manifesto to win the election. Listen to Fayose himself talk about his grass-roots politics; watch his language of referring to “the common man on the streets,” “the people” and you wonder if there is not a mental distancing between him and his grass roots. Does he, in his heart of hearts, seek social change or he is a man ultimately seeking votes? It is almost like reading Chinua Achebe’s Man of the People all over again. His electoral victory was basically the triumph of theatrics. No, this is not to suggest that poor people (who form the bulk of their grass roots) are too undiscerning to filter between substance and sediment. No. Even the best educated of us get swayed by histrionics and that is why most successful pastors have good dramatic skills. My worry is that what is called “grass roots” – with its potential for revolution and meaningful social change – will be shortchanged when it lends itself to superficial changes in the name of politics. As things are, it seems to be a cultivation of poverty, the poor and the impoverished for the end result of commandeering their thumbprints during an election. I respect the rights of Ekiti people to choose whomever they please as leader but where, really, is the “change” when at the end of the day the bottom-up approach becomes top-down? Where is the empowerment, self-motivation and self-sacrifice that come with grass-roots stimulation when candidates still have to employ federal might, various instruments of the state, cash and food inducements to prop their politics during elections? As long as people cannot pay their own bills and live in dignity, the end of grass-roots mobilisation will not be more than substituting one candidate for another, as long as s/he can do the monkey dance better. Share News Item on Facebook Email this to a friend To Address: * Your Name: Use commas (,) to separate multiple addresses Ekiti is a state in which country? Comment on this news item Be the first to comment on this Your e-mail: (not shown) Your Name: Ekiti is a state in which country? Senate confirms Shekarau, Adeyeye others, as ministers From: Punch Published on: Thursday, July 03, 2014 by Sunday Aborisade The Senate on Wednesday confirmed the appointment of a former Governor of Kano State, Ibrahim Shekarau, Adedayo Adeyeye (Ekiti), Dr. Stephen Orhu (Delta), and Dr. Abdul Bulama (Yobe) as ministers. The nominees, who answered questions from the senators on the state of the nation, agreed that an urgent review of the country’s education curriculum remained the best way to tackle unemployment, poverty and insurgency. Shekarau, a two-term governor of Kano State, lamented the high level of unemployment in the country which he linked to the disruption of the Universal Primary Education policy by the successive military administration in the country. He maintained that “the issue of skills acquisition for Nigerian students at the first three years of secondary education as envisioned in the 6-3-3-4 curriculum should be revisited by government and effectively implemented.” He said, “The skills acquisition component of the 6-3-3-4 education curriculum started in 1976 with the implementation of the Universal Primary Education and followed up with importation of Introductory Technology equipment from 1979-1982, for skills acquisition by junior secondary school pupils. “The policy would have to a very large extent, assisted the country in producing self-reliant and self-employed school leavers at that level on a yearly basis if the programme had been implemented as envisioned. “Part of the way out for our dear country on the problem of unemployment which breeds indiscipline, and unrest, among others in the country is for us to go back to the curriculum by making it to practically serve as catalyst for addressing the issue of unemployment of school leavers right from the classrooms.” Shekarau justified the defection of politicians from one political party to another as a normal practice. He said, “There have been some inconsistencies in the polity. The issue of changing political parties if you read the history of the Americans too, they did worse than what we are doing at the stage at which we are. Ideologies are not imposed, it is an ongoing process. “Education is the progressive discovery of ignorance. Gradually we are learning, we are trying to develop. Ideologies will become institutionalised by themselves. “These movements (defection) I don’t totally agree that all the time they are for personal interests. They are dictated by circumstances of the political development around the environment you are in. I am sure with time, ideologies will be institutionalised.” He also identified the immediate fixing of the power sector by the government as a critical factor that could assist in solving the problem of unemployment. Adeyeye suggested that the National Youth Service Corps scheme should not be scrapped but rather strengthened to promote national unity and integration. According to him, the scheme as envisioned in 1973 and implemented till date, has in no small way, contributed to the unity of the country in so many ways. Bulama suggested the use of electronic voting system but that it should be experimented with by-elections. Mark, after their confirmation, charged the ministerial designates to make Nigeria as their constituencies and not their states or political parties. He said, “We hope that whenever they are given portfolio, they will see Nigeria as their constituency and not their state or political parties.”
Posted on: Thu, 03 Jul 2014 19:15:38 +0000
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