Saturday GK Column: JK Elections—A Hackneyed Exercise Disinterest, Distrust, Distraught Marks the Futility DR. JAVID IQBAL Ever since 1951, and 1957 UN resolutions opined that JK elections shall not affect state subjects exercising their right of self determination in UN supervised plebiscite, elections have lacked credibility. Even if much advocated ground realities are made out to be a biblical truth, the realistic aspects of JK elections right from 1951 nullify the exercise. Even the elements taking JK political status as settled beyond a question, opting only for settling the quantum of accession without putting a question mark on its finality and irrevocability have quite often put a question mark on the exercise. Even the elements apt to hail Indian democratic process, question it’s derailing beyond Lakahnpur—the entry point to JK state. Even the ones called mainstreamers quite often state that the exercise is meant to be a measure to arm the administration with a political executive without affecting the prime need of settling Kashmir dispute permanently. Disinterest in the process, distrust in its efficacy, the distraught that it brings about mark its futility. 1951 elections to JK constitutional assembly was almost totally a record of unopposed returns. That settled the trend. 1957 and 1962 elections carried a much quoted Nehru remark. India’s first Prime Minister wished a few more opposition members making way to legislative chambers. The remark was meant to lend it a semblance of credibility. 1967 elections marked ‘Khaliq made MLA’ era. Politically satirical sobriquet was coined by the maverick and mercurial, Shamim Abdul Shamim. Khaliq was Deputy Commissioner of Anantnag district. As many as 22 members made way to legislative assembly unopposed. 1971 election was a non-event as Plebiscite Front showing an inclination to contest was put out of it by a spree of arrests. Sheikh Abdullah leading resistance for 22 years had to accept Indira Gandhi diktat of clock not turning back marking power dispensing on Delhi terms. 1977 election is taken by many as benchmark. By then the nemesis of Nehru-Gandhi’s—Morarji Desai was the Indian Prime Minister. Named by Nehru’s secretary—Mithai as one of the two straightest Indian leaders, other one being Purshotam Das Tandon, he resisted attempts to make elections a tainted and tailored exercise, a Nehru-Gandhi trait vis-à-vis Kashmir, notwithstanding the democratic pretensions of father-daughter duo. Third generation Nehru-Gandhi—Rajiv had Farooq Abdullah toe the Delhi line a la the patriarch of Abdullah’s. This followed 1982 election exercise, the verdict of which was overturned by engineered defection, all within the family. The series of accords—Indira/Abdullah, Rajiv/Farooq had discord written all over, as they were not people backed, hence lacked authentication. Post militancy elections were conducted with the slogan that the exercise is meant to settle local issue without affecting final settlement of ‘K’ issue. However the election result, once out is propagated to be a vote for maintaining the prevalent political dispensing. Imagine the incumbent Chief Minister—Omar Abdullah pleading against holding elections in the post flood scenario at the appointed time on the plea that turn out in Srinagar could be low. The statement implied that it might be lower than the usual Srinagar turnover, which as is known is nothing to write home about. The statement was meant to scare Delhi into postponing elections. Omar’s problem is widespread discontent against the regime he leads, exacerbated by virtually leaving the people to their fate during floods. CM remained the only visible face of administration, trying to administer without administrative tools. Sclerosed bureaucracy milking the maximum out of prevailing political uncertainty refused to move, while it was needed most. Futility of election exercise has never ever been as apparent and as glaring as it is in post flood scenario. The scenario has proved beyond a shade of doubt that the ones who do exercise their franchise in spite of the doubts on its efficacy do not have their needs attended to by a callous administration. The administration that carries corruption, nepotism and red tape as its trade mark compounds the misery. Yet, there is no escape from it, as the same administration has to be banked upon to deliver, whatever is in the official pipeline for ameliorating the misery of flood victims. Omar’s mainstream detractors claim to make the bureaucracy work, once as per their calculations they unseat Omar, hence their clamour for poll at the appointed time. The general belief is that bureaucracy would hardly get rid of what it is used to, Omar or no more. Good or bad, right or wrong, at the present juncture administration needs to be left alone to cater to the needs of hungry and homeless flood victims. Burdened with onerous responsibility to get on with election process, bureaucracy especially at district administrative level would get taxed to perform the twin objective—election process and flood relief. Omar and his mainstream detractors may settle their first past the line race later. The overwhelming majority as is apparent in discussions on social networking sites—a benchmark of modern era have no stomach for either watching the race or being a part of it. There is a constitutional snag however, Omar is supposed to hand over to post election political executive by 19th January, 1915. The date as and when it comes about could be taken care of by options available in constitutional process. Yaar Zinda, Sohbat Baqi [Reunion is subordinate to survival] Feedback on: iqbal.javid46@gmail
Posted on: Sat, 18 Oct 2014 03:12:59 +0000
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