WARNING! WARNING! WARNING! Go and tell buhari(A replication of Erdogan of Turkey)that Nigeria can never be like turkey, saudi, pakistan and any country in the middlè eàst because Nigeria is for God and God is for Nigeria. If adamant Christians and political diplomats have become blind to the hidden agenda of buhari to islamize this nation, and cannot read inbetween the thin lines,my own eyes are wide open.. I rather die poor than being forced to accept a religion i was not destined for. A wise man said if you want to hide the truth from a black man put it inside a book. The scripture say my people perish because of lack of knowledge. Nigerians all that glitters is not Gold #IfYouBlockMeIwillOpenAnotherAccount READ THIS ARTICLE IF YOU ARE NOT IGNORANT The story of Turkeys Islamic revolution is illuminating. It is the story of a charismatic leader with a methodical plan to unravel a system, a politician cynically using democracy to pursue autocracy, Arab donors understanding the power of the purse, Western political correctness blinding officials to the Islamist agenda, and American diplomats seemingly more concerned with their post-retirement pocketbooks than with U.S. national security. For Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, it is a dream come true. For the next generation of American presidents, diplomats, and generals, it is a disaster. Turkey has changed. Gone, and gone permanently, secular Turkey today is an Islamic republic whose government saw fit to facilitate the May 31 flotilla raid on Israels blockade of Gaza. Turkey is now more aligned to Iran than to the democracies of Europe. Whereas Irans Islamic revolution shocked the world with its suddenness in 1979, Turkeys Islamic revolution has been so slow and deliberate as to pass almost unnoticed. Nevertheless, the Islamic Republic of Turkey is a reality—and a danger. Turkeys Islamic revolution began on November 3, 2002, when Erdogans Justice and Reconciliation Party (AKP) swept to power in Turkeys elections. Through a lucky quirk of the Turkish election system, the AKPs 34 percent total in the popular vote translated into 66 percent of the Parliaments seats, giving the party absolute control. Learning the lessons of Islamist failures of the past, Erdogan sought to calm Turkswho feared the AKP would dilute Turkeys separation of mosque and state. As mayor of Istanbul, Erdogan described himself as a servant of Sharia, or Islamic canon law. But after his partys 2002 victory, he declared that secularism is the protector of all beliefs and religions. We are the guarantors of this secularism, and our management will clearly prove that. He took pains to eschew the Islamist label and instead described his party as little more than the Muslim equivalent of the Christian Democrats in Europe—that is, all democracy and religious in name only. Both Turks and Westerners can be forgiven for taking Erdogan at his word. He had cultivated an image of probity as a local official that stood in sharp contrast with the corruption of many incumbent Turkish politicians. Rather than upend the system or pursue a divisive social platform, as prime minister Erdogan first sought to repair the Turkish economy. This was an attractive prospect for Turks across the political spectrum, since in the five years But there was far less here than met the eye. Rather than base economic reform on sound, long-term policies, Erdogan instead relied on sleight of hand. He incurred crippling debt and, in effect, mortgaged long-term financial security of the republic for his own short-term political gain. Deniz Baykal, the former leader of the main opposition party, has said that the state debt accrued during Erdogans first three years in power surpassed Turkeys total accumulated debt in the three decades prior. And that was only official debt. Outside of public view, Erdogan and Gul, now his foreign minister, presided over an influx of so-called Green Money—capital from Saudi Arabia and the oil-rich Persian Gulf emirates, much of which ended up in party coffers rather than in the public treasury. And here begins the tale of the interweaving of Turkeys destiny with the nations to its east and south, and to the Muslim world rather than with the West. Erdogans ambitions to remake Turkey, however, reached far beyond superficial issues such as the veil. He sought to revolutionize education, dominate the judiciary, take over the police, and control the media. Erdogan worked to achieve not short-term gains on hot-button issues like the headscarf but rather a long-term cultural revolution that, when complete, would render past battles moot. Erdogan attacked the secular education system at all levels. First, he loosened age restrictions on children who attend supplemental Koran schools—restrictions intended to prevent their indoctrination. He also undid content regulation meant to counter the ability of Saudi-funded extremists to teach in Turkish academies. Those schools that break the remaining regulations need not worry: Erdogans party eviscerated penalties to the point where unaccredited religious academies now advertise openly in newspapers. Simultaneously, he equated degrees issued by Turkish madrassas—Islamic religious schools—with ordinary high school degrees. This bureaucratic sleight of hand in theory enabled madrassa students to enter the university and qualify for government jobs without ever mastering or, in some cases, even being exposed to Western fundamentals. When such students still fumbled university entrance exams, the AKP provided them with a comparative bonus on their scores, justifying the move as affirmative action. Erdogan made little secret of his goals: in May 2006, he ordered his negotiator at European Union accession talks to remove any reference to secularism in a Turkish position paper discussing Turkeys educational system. Over the past year, the Ministry of Education has gutted the traditional high school philosophy curriculum and Islamized it. No prime minister in Turkish history has been so hostile to the press as Erdogan. What had been a vibrant press when Erdogan took over is now flaccid. The prime minister has sued dozens of journalists and editors, sometimes for nothing more than a political cartoon poking fun at him. The real coup against democracy, however, came on July 14, 2008, when a Turkish prosecutor indicted 86 Turkish figures—retired military officers, prominent journalists, professors, unionists, civil-society activists, and the man who dared run against Erdogan for mayor years earlier—on charges of plotting a coup to restore secular government. The only thing the defendants had in common was political opposition to the AKP. The alleged conspiracy grabbed international headlines. At its root, the 2,455-page indictment alleged that retired military officers, intellectuals, journalists, and civil-society leaders conspired to cause chaos in Turkey and to use the resulting crisis as justification for a military putsch against the AKP. In February 2010, the prosecutors revealed a 5,000-page memorandum detailing coup plans. #NigeriWillNotBeSharialized #NigeriansCannotBeDecieved #GodWillSilenceTheEnemiesOfNigeria #GEJWeNeedLiberation #GEJWillComeBackAgain #PrayForNigeria
Posted on: Sun, 25 Jan 2015 08:52:34 +0000
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