PART 2 III. Federalism and electoral systems While it is true that democracy can be related conceptually and historically with the unitary, and is therefore not an exclusive feature of federal systems , federalism concerns itself exclusively with democratic principles . As we have reviewed, the political concepts that accompany the federal state model are collectively incompatible with authoritarian forms , not plural , centralized power concentrators and, of course , with forms of government outside the rule of law. Between federalism and democracy there , well , a consistency of concepts , which however is insufficient to prevent in practice incur certain federal corporate or political abuses , definitely , its federal structure to be a legal formality without real substance , as was the case in the former Soviet Union . 27 Precisely because of these experiences , which seem to announce the federalist project failure , the viability of federal states depends on their political principles are followed in real terms and that these are reflected in the processes of government. In this way, effective democracy plays a decisive role to regulate the distribution of political power , including the formation of political organizations and forms of representation involved in it . In particular , democracy has a decisive role for a federal system define the actors and , through them , to the political basis of the intergovernmental negotiations that shape the national state. The latter is of great importance, considering that intergovernmental relations largely are determined by political systems . A political system can overrule the practice of federalism in intergovernmental relations , or can encourage their livelihood and become concrete. If the essence of federalism lies in a dual structure of distribution of political power and the relationships they establish the constituent parts , the essence of these relations lies in the political systems in the dynamics of the actors and the ways in which organized social representation . If in principle the state and power are stable matter , in no circumstances are definable once and for all, much less be this possibility in a federal system , relatively unstable nature ( mobile, dynamic , possibly be more appropriate adjectives ) . In these conditions of structural dynamics , in a federal system should be consolidated two essential pathways regulating the process : democracy , as a resource that defines the relationship between citizens and the political power and the forms of representation and , on the other hand the instruments of intergovernmental relations , as a resource that defines the relationships between government entities of a federation. In such regulatory pathways adds a dynamic structure of separation of powers , both in the national and in the federal organ , which adds additional complexity to the system and , consequently , a more mobility and change. From the above, it is interesting to note is the relatively unstable nature of federal countries determines that the system of relations between parts occupies a strategic role to play as a functional whole , capable of meeting the objectives for which it was created . Moreover, the essence of the model lies precisely in this system of relations , where the dual structure sits between a national government and local authorities (or social ) federated . The system makes sense for relations and for the preservation of the dual structure characteristic of federalism : shared governance self more in the terms used by Elazar . Now the system of relationships that defines federalism is supported by two main principles: strictly institutional relations between the national government and the state governments , on the other hand, the relations between the actors and the political structures that constitute the meat of institutional relations , its material base, its empirical support . Due to the last factor , the political systems of federal nations need to have a profile consistent with this model of state, assuming that it depends on the preservation and expression of the sovereign will of the federated parties (state, county , republic , etc. . ) and the possibility that this will be expressed in institutional relations and, thus , participate in the integration of the collective will of all federal . Without democracy , as might be expected , the possibility that regional institutions faithfully express the will of the regional society is almost zero , as well as illegitimate . Additionally, in conditions beyond democracy , a government and / or regional institutions would hardly be able to intervene effectively in intergovernmental negotiations . Democracy is , therefore: a) condition for the sovereign expression of the popular will , b ) self-governance base parts of a federation , and c ) a condition that each entity can participate in the formation of the collective will of all federal . The federal state is , by definition , a pluralistic system with diverse and geographically distinct wills : federated parties . 28 This is an essential condition to which they must adjust policy rules that define the actors involved in it , and ways of distribution of power, both regionally and nationally, ie federated parties in all federal . Put another way , a political system in federalism should be able to preserve and express the plurality and diversity of wills that integrate federal nation . and if this is the goal , the political system can not be uniform , flat, no specific regional or social , would run counter to the very nature of the federal system . The most common is to find policy rules for federal states also are distributed following the dual structure of the model and thus be a plural and diverse, able to integrate different ways of applying democratic principles , especially when it comes to contrasting societies by ethnic composition , social organization or their language. 29 The political system of federal nation thus tends to be a system of systems , ie a system that coexists with national political systems defined by the parties federated Sovereignly (10 which , incidentally , is essential at the beginning of self-government ) . Each of the subsystems must have provided their ability to express the particularities of each regional society through political actors themselves , appropriate to their social profile . Otherwise, the formation of the regional society will not be possible and , consequently , their participation in the federal contract would not be effective . 30 Assuming the existence of a democratic political system in federated party , unable to form the collective will of the regional society , this entity I would not really able to participate in all federal , occupying an unequal position subordinate , which questions the validity of federalism as a whole. Hence the relevance of political systems are democratic and additionally specific to the particularities of each regional society : culture, ethnicity, language, territory , variables must be integrated into the political process. It is the possibility in the federal state that their policy rules are configured by a plurality of subsystems that meet the needs of representing their regional societies . The above approach has been highlighted by critics of homogeneous political systems , which tend to ignore the political plurality and diversity federated regional parties . An extreme case is the one-party models , which have proved ineffective as a democratic instrument , especially when implanted in highly heterogeneous societies : A monolithic party , authoritarian or totalitarian , does not allow the expression of local political autonomy , even when coated in a federal structure as the Czechoslovak Communist Party or the Communist League of Yugoslavia. In these experiences , the practice of democratic centralism always broke benefit the Sovereign Centre . From this we can deduce that the counter party pluralism is a necessary condition for the operation of a federal democracy . But to perform their functions , parties must be able to express the demands , sometimes contradictory between them, arising from national and local interests and to participate in elections with different positions . Under these conditions , the federal parties are at the center of a conflict of loyalty between two political systems of reference. Thus, the federal balance , autonomy and interdependence are tributaries of the party organization and party systems regardless of federated units . 31 In the same way that can be defined as self federalism more shared governance , the political system of a federal state must comply with the principle of individual democracies democracy , depend upon it the formation of the will of the federated and allow it to speak in the will of any national . On the other hand , the above quote can also highlight one of the difficulties of the political systems in federalism , namely the tension between national policy interests and regional policy . If the former dominate over the latter, the model loses its essence if the latter prevail over the former, the system meaningless. Despite its complexity , it is an inevitable tension in federalism , whose virtue is precisely manage their balance through institutional procedures . Political parties are a particular instance and shapes everyday institutional and political relations in a federal state , occupy a special role in the whole system and , if I may say in these terms, embody the complexity and delicacy of the parts that articulated to all federal . If the parties are integrated centrally , relations prevailing in the entire state are those from the national government, in the perspective demerit federated entities . If forms are oriented towards very local , national articulation of social interests is losing perspective . In any case , the conclusion is that there is a unique format in the experiences of the federal states and the organization of political parties . What is beyond doubt is incompatible with the dynamics of federalism centralized and much more , with the one-party political systems . Among the resources the federal model to establish the fragile balance between the parts and the whole, between regional interests and national interests , is the applied principle of equality. Among the ways that institutionally to better express what integration is bicameral national legislature . One of these cameras (eg in the U.S. Senate or the Bundesrat, the Federal Council , in Germany ) is a principle that equal representation of federated parties , making political weight is identical, or very similar , with regardless of other variables. 32 From the perspective of political analysis , this type of arrangement has been referred to as complex majorities , or, as the look subsidiary of federalism. Federalism , given this claim of the principle of equality is reflected in the institutions representing the federated parts , uses a concept of complex for most , precisely because the concept incorporates varying cultural, ethnic , linguistic or space , a concept which in principle is only pad. The concept of majority in a federal state does not simply refer to a number of citizens, but to the distribution of citizens who recognize one or more of the above social variables . Thus, a federated entity with a population of one million people may have the same political relevance that other entity with two million, or determined ethnolinguistic group can have a political weight similar to another social group sizes res May . Doing majority or federal system is thus much more complex than in a unitary state The formation of the national will require more effort negotiating and procedures , given the diversity of the parties and preliminary recognition of their specificities. Most political minorities and have , thus, a different meaning for a federal state for a unitary state , making the dynamics of their political systems and institutions that have expressed different profiles. The main difference lies in the complexity of the variables and processes to determine the public agenda and federal government entirely . The political institutions of federalism , for starters, have an integration that recognizes the principle of equality ( the Senate , to re- cite the classic example ) , and second , the decision-making process involves the federated parties when required for government approval for certain decision ( a constitutional amendment , to cite another classic example ) . These arrangements are to safeguard the sovereignty of federated parties and in the perspective of the political system , a safeguard of the rights of minorities, which is critical in ethnic 0 linguistically heterogeneous societies . Lijphart in terms , the problem is posed as follows : In plural societies , therefore, majority rule leads to the dictatorship of the majority and social conflicts rather than democracy. What these companies need is a democratic regime that gives emphasis to the general consensus instead of opposition , that includes rather than exclude and try to maximize the size of the ruling majority instead of a simple majority met : consensus democracy (such as it reflects the structure of the federal states ) . 33 The political dynamics of a federal state is inevitably complex , given its own structure , but therein lies its strengths . The values that federalism is linked conceptually , such as democracy , pluralism and equality, among others, should be embodied in political systems in their relations actors and these actors printed at intergovernmental map , are condition model . Similarly , the concept of minority , along with the diversity , tend to be designed and applied in a more complex valued in the unitary . Of course, the relationships between concepts do not translate directly into political practices , although the drive , there is always the possibility that the route to follow other rules , as is his bad habit . IV . Local governments and federalism From a strict formalist interpretation of federalism , local governments occupy a subordinate position in relation to the central axis of the federal state dualistic . Overall, not part of the model , in the sense that politically and legally recognized by this directly , although it is possible to recognize as constituent elements of the federated entities . In metaphorical terms it can be said that local governments for federal entities are what they are for the federal state . Reading subordinate local governments regarding federal covenant has two main entries : the first , original at the same federal contract , to the extent that actors were not recognized by it as one of its constituent parts , nor have they been after ; the second , because the concept of sovereignty is , in most traditional legal interpretations , transmitted to the State , conceived as supreme entity that transcends local forms of government and politics. The connection of federalism with local governments must then be sent to a different context of the legal framework attached to statist concepts of sovereignty and, in addition , other two horizons : the political principles and intergovernmental practice , especially in the current stage of globalization of human society . 1. LOCAL GOVERNMENTS , CITIZENSHIP AND FEDERALISM As previously argued , federalism keeps a very close relationship with the most democratic form of sovereignty, to deposit it in the village. Now the content of the word people refers to citizens and the attributes they have in a liberal democracy , resuming the relationship that federalism saved with other political concepts , especially with said to limit the power and authority . Federalism and citizenship, from this perspective, are the intermediate of popular sovereignty . That is, the dynamics of federalism is implicit recognition of citizenship , popular sovereignty and its ability to determine political power. Can not be excluded citizens and their attributes, and the same time claim a popular concept of sovereignty, as there can not be a democracy without citizens . Considering the above connections, it can be concluded that federalism involves the development of citizenship and democracy , which is directly related to local governments, as will be argued away. We believe that the idea of self-government and , therefore , the necessary constitution of local government, can be understood as an immediate derivative citizenship and democracy . The first organization of public affairs , considering the different ways that each society has taken to set local - , acquires meaning within a horizon city, cultural , legally defined , local government making its own space , ie , given by itself and not as instances granting extension or outside ( external ) . Citizenship development directly involves local government also developed in the sense of self , described above, and not a quantitative variable or in the legal sense of property as a primary point of power and organized response to public affairs and , as well as performing basic space attributes citizens. It should be above the capacity of citizens to not exist in the abstract , but require materialize : in general, the State , and particularly in local government. Thus, citizenship can be established that local government is defining it as its immediate expression in the governmental sphere . Once within this context citizen , local government is linked to variables such as self-government and autonomy, which characterize its evolution and , as discussed further below , also its connection with federalism . Needless to say, before the local government can exist without citizenship , as a quick review of the history of the institutions can show . Consequently , the local government is a primary form of political power , rather than a primary form of citizenship. The connection between the two concepts argued , between local government and citizens , is derived strictly open frame by the federal state , where the government and political power forms are subordinated to the attributes of citizenship , of course , are not unique federalism . This leads us to establish that federalism keeps consistency with the way local government citizen , but not all the stages or forms it can take . In general , the federal model defines its connection options ( or compatibility ) with local and other forms of organization of power from a given horizon in their evolution , ie , does not support any form or when it Local . As universal value , citizenship can be seen both as models of unitary federal state , and within each of these, in its direct effect on all forms of power and authority , ie local and nonlocal . However, if any of these models is consistent with the idea of self-government and the idea of ownership of local government citizen , is federalism . The unitary state tends to shift the power and authority to national entities, which in turn determine subnational and local forms of government. The local as space itself , citizens , ends up being a concession from an external body , in such circumstances , self-government and membership in the relationship between citizens and local government are colored by the central structure. By contrast , federal - model from its dual - input structure differentiates between both environments , allowing more freedom to strip federal entities and , with this logic , also for local governments. If federalism develops citizenship and democracy , as an effect of its own structure, in this dynamic also encourages local governments and the sense of belonging of these , ie , self-government , autonomy . In the case of a unitary state , institutional dynamics does not necessarily imply the development of citizenship , at least not in the internal terms as does the federalism. It is possible, of course, that a unitary state can coexist with democracy , even in the most finished of the concept. The nuance lies in the roots of development of democracy and citizen : on federalism can be found within its structure and as an effect of this . Not the case of unitary model , in which the sources of democracy and citizenship come mainly from properly political factors , power and its actors . Federalism In addition to the above , there are trends in their institutional dynamics . It seems that it is only a small contrast. Not so. Of these two ways of approaching democracy and citizenship , federalism and the unitary structure depends conceptual consistency of each model with local governments developed ( own ) . For the first, not a major problem assume the idea of local self-government , to the second , it is still a tension, certainly not unsolvable in practice. This allows us to argue that , once placed in a political citizen, the local government may acquire a higher level of decentralization and self-government within a federal framework , at least conceptually involves so ratifying the model and experiences like Germany and Switzerland. Of course, between the unitary is possible to find examples of local self-government in broader development conditions in certain federal states ( compare England with Brazil, for example) , which is due to the influence of other political traditions that do not depend strictly of the federal or unitary state . 34 However, due to its positive connection to citizenship and democracy , and thanks to its dual structure , federalism is more likely to developed forms of self-government local authority, as a derivative of itself. However, from the legal and administrative framework , leaving the political perspective , the federal system shares with the unitary model defining the powers or powers of local governments by external agencies . The true sense of the relationship between citizens and local governments have, then , a strong concentration in the field of political representation . Outside of that environment, as a rule, local self-government is framed in certain parameters that are external , what is changing is a size or flexibility. Thus, despite the greater congruence between federalism and local governments developed , you can avoid some tension between the sense of the local government and not own definition of its powers or duties. One of the clearest expressions of the outer limits of local government lies in the ways you can take , the possibilities do not belong strictly. Despite the wide variety of types of local government can be found , all framed by the powers or federal governments dimensions ( sub-national) , or national , to which are always subordinate . Of course, this restriction unitary state tends to be more pronounced, especially unilateral . The forms of local government , as defined by each country (federal or not), can be classified into two groups: the flexible format and fixed format . In the first case , the integration of local government due to primarily to the fulfillment of certain public policy objectives , so flexibility is as wide as necessary to achieve them . In Canada and the United States , to cite some examples of countries in the Americas , has followed this flexible dynamics , both in relations with the organization of government and its impact territorial can thus identify policies linked to local governments specific as education, ports , urban development , transport, etc. . , including the possibility of overlapping territorially your area of intervention. The other group corresponds to countries that follow fixed formats , where the local government can only acquire a unique way , for example the council in Mexico , being also fixed the local environment of its powers . In this regard , the local government organizational flexibility , at least nominally , allows faster development of the device and the local administration , from a political perspective , is more likely to evolve into a sense of self , compared with unique format . Two . LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF FEDERALISM Moreover, the side of political principles , federalism brings another set of conditions compatible with the development of local governments. The structure and nature dual unconcentrated federal state is a parameter that extends to the relationship between federal entities and local forms of government that exist within. As political and governing principle , non-concentration allows claim (formal and informal) of local interests to national or subnational authorities , which tends to be reflected on a decentralized administrative organization type . As can be seen , the principle of concentration is not fully consistent with the concept of self-government, both being able to influence each other . The dual structure of the federal state powers enables local governments have a wide range of functions both own ( legally established ) , as delegated or coordinated ( established by intergovernmental agreement ) . In federal countries , the range of functions of local governments can have a wide variety, from those who share virtually all public functions , 35 to those who clearly dissociate the exclusive powers of local governments . The public can then assume a delegate format , being implemented by the state governments and local bodies (type Germany ), or rather, a shared and redundant format that requires extensive development of intergovernmental coordination (as is the case in the USA) . In any situation, it is interesting to note is the ability to develop administrative federalism and local governments , in this way , ratifying unconcentrated nature . As already argued , federalism is a system of relationships that are characterized by their ability to recognize social and territorial differences , and integrated into the framework of a larger whole . In this attitude there is likely to claim a profile individual, which on the map of institutions is embodied in local governments. As political principle , the recognition of difference is the ability to extend to all elements of the federal system and , therefore, opens a straightforward route to the vindication of the interests of governments and local companies as part of the rules and values of the federal pact . This is significant when contrasted with the scenario of a unitary state , where the demand for institutional difference is not part of the rules of the model. Federalism is articulated with the local precisely when the individual claim , the specificity of the parties, minorities tolerance , respect for difference and the denial of the homogeneous . Three . LOCAL GOVERNMENT AND THE EVOLUTION OF STATE Notwithstanding the above elements, which basically show the ability of the federal model for local governments have strong politically and administratively with extensive capabilities , the evolution of nation states has resulted in significant changes to the previous set of expectations . One can distinguish at least two types of events, macro- scale , which have influenced the evolution of the state and its relationship with local governments , both federal and unitary countries . The first are ( and have been) the economic crisis , which forced governments to intervene directly in national economic regulatory activities and the protection of the basic conditions of quality of life through social policies , which involved the development of a management of large scale infrastructure and direct action in spaces that nominally belonged to local governments . 36 This was a situation that is reflected both in unitary and federal states , stimulating in the second administrative centralization process that immediately became acute tension with federal entities and local governments. 37 On the other hand , the second type of events are contemporary economic globalization and the redefinition of the role of the state in national societies , which have been oriented in the opposite direction relative to the stage of state intervention centralizing derived . Insofar as globalization advances , and in particular the increasing inability of national governments to regulate financial flows , trade and general economic , scale and functions of national governments have tended to be bounded and, consequently , have driven decentralization programs . It is no coincidence that the global government agenda are daily to decentralization or federalism and political renewal or discussions of high national priority . In this dynamic contemporary local governments inevitably claim their role in the public sphere and , hopefully, is very likely to do so in a manner unprecedented in the history of these institutions . In terms of Borja and Castells , the process described in. the following terms : ... Local governments revitalized take on a political role in keeping with the structural crisis of competence and power in that nation-states are in the new global system. Simplifying , arguably the nation states are too small to control and direct the overall flow is of power, wealth and technology of the new system , and too large to represent the plurality of cultural identities and social interests of society, thus losing legitimacy both as representative institutions as efficient organizations . 38 Both centralizing dynamics of public functions by national governments , such as decentralization resulting from globalization and the consequent redefinition of nation states are processes that transcend unit forms or federal states. In both cases the impact equally, what is then a discussion is the ability of each model to react to changes . The structure of federalism is more flexible, dynamic nature (or unstable , as previously characterized ) , so their ability to adapt is nominally much greater , especially in the contemporary situation . For federal systems , the period hub of public functions by national governments was always considered an anomaly , a distortion of the principle of concentration and , therefore, a problem overcome by the system. With this background , it is expected that the contemporary process of globalization more consistent ( compatible) for a federal structure for a unit . This relative advantage of federalism tends even to be reflected in the relations between nations , especially those that have led multinational organizations are federalist principles in their integration , as well as the case of the European Union . 39 It can then be concluded that federal systems are those that are institutionally better equipped to react to the globalization process and its inevitable impact on the shoulder of national governments . For this reason, the revaluation of local governments in the public sphere and the instrumentation or boost decentralization initiatives are more fluid in a federal state in a unitary state. While both models are embedded into the same dynamic of wholeness , the first is more likely to react in the direction of local government strengthening , expanding their roles, resources and , in general, their weight on the map intergovernmental . An additional element in the current scenario contributes to the strengthening of local government is the increasing complexity of public policy. To begin , the geographical location of its determinants has acquired exceptional mobility and regulation makes it impossible to control it by national governments , especially when these determinants are outside national territories . The complexity of public policy is evident in the economic regulation aimed at , for example, but in the same situation are the environmental, the social , the cultural , the regulation of land use, the communications , etc. . To a greater or lesser extent , dispersion and territorial mobility of its determinants requires that public initiatives are to be implemented from the beginning instances and not concentrated . Intergovernmental coordination , national, and even international , for the implementation of public policies has become a resource and essential everyday . Within this , once defined its territorial objective (target ) , the specificity of policies is only obtained through the active intervention of local governments . Consequently , in a world of complex public policies , local governments must be able to integrate within local development priorities and, additionally , the ability to incorporate these priorities to the intergovernmental agreement. Democracy and federalism , as the basis of both capabilities are , again, a very suitable combination . Finally , another element that illustrates the match (or mismatch ) between local governments and federalism is the relative balance that tend to keep the dimensions of the first and, in general , the spatial distribution of social resources . Because of the dual structure of the system and the principle of non concentration , maintain federal countries , such as historical trend, a relative balance between the dimensions of the apparatus of the national government of the federated entities and premises . Of course , this does not mean that among the levels of government there is equal in size, but among them there is the polarization that is characteristic of the unitary and highly centralized . The governments of the federated entities and premises , tend to distribute more scatters its size and resources , consistent with the principle of concentration , this is a central issue. In the dimensions of the apparatus gobier1 not within a federal system , sits the materiality of their relationships and the dual structure of the model itself . While the essence of federalism lies in the relationship between the parties, as argued previously , it is possible that the parties must have the appropriate dimensions to sustain those relationships. Federalism, in this sense, tends to establish minimum levels of sustainability material in their government apparatus principles make the system feasible . According to the same logic, in federal social resources of all kinds - economic, demographic and cultural , among others , are also subject to spatial concentration in a single (or few ) center ( s ) urban ( s ) , which is typical of centralized structures. The socioeconomic spatial dispersion is an indicator of the degree of centralization or decentralization of a country is more likely that the second feature belongs to a federal state and the first to a unitary state. Centralism and federalism has contrast concentration spatial expressions of society and power in certain urban centers : a typical example is Paris over France. In its extreme versions , centralism tends to absorb the local ( without success ) , given its large centripetal force . Thus, not only the dimensions of the apparatus of government are a key indicator of a federal state , but it is, indirectly , the spatial distribution of social resources of a country. A non-concentration of political power belongs , as tendency , dispersion or regionally balanced distribution of social resources . Federal nations , in this sense, may be characterized by the way they assume both variables. V. Conclusions : imperfect federalism The definition of federalism , its articulation with democracy and , finally , the meeting of two concepts with local governments , have been exposed to throughout this essay reflecting positive relationships . The result is the presentation of a federalism that seamlessly, can be found close to a model , in the sense that it can be conceived as a way forward or as a human value ( ethical or ideological ) recognized useful for the design and organization of political power. However, as previously noted , federalism is not invented , not among the discretionary choices of the will , either individually or collectively. In the strong sense , federalism is a process and at the same time, a historical necessity. With the above is not to argue its impossibility, but emphasizes the role of the social construction of their conditions , which is extremely complicated and does not allow partial solutions or segmented . Federalism is not limited to legal model , although it implies , is not limited to a political program , but needs to be expressed by social actors of flesh and blood is not confined to institutions , although it needs to be effective . The construction of federalism , then, is a social process inevitably complex because it involves the timing and link several important social processes. For this reason, the reality is inevitably imperfect positive regarding the conceptual model that we described in the previous pages. Emphasis was placed deliberately on the positive aspects of federalism , considering two criteria : first, because that side of conceptual relations is dominant, which is not a small matter , and second, because the positive has been part of the picture federalism in the history of social thought. In this latter respect , federalism as a concept , has a long history that ranks as political value once in the hands of particular social actors , who have become a political project for part of the nineteenth century , and especially in XVIII , federalism was also a social utopia , a political program for the organization of power and a model for state formation . 40 In fact, the evaluative dimension of this project is not lost at all, considering that federalism still a role model as a concrete political and organization of a large number of nations of the world , whose reality contrasts in varying degrees with the model positive and ideal offered by its concept. In the framework of the theory , the relationship between federalism , democracy and local governments can develop , as we have attempted here , with an emphasis on positive connections . However, it is clear that even here there is the possibility of relationships negative , ie , tensions between the concepts under certain conditions. Just as an example , we indicate the following , which is probably more important to stress that they can experience the concepts that we have reviewed : federalism and its impetus to the development of citizenship have the effect of strengthening local governments, creating in them a strong inertia to self-government . With this inertia tends to form in local institutional and political actor of great importance , as solid as wide as the base for self-government , making it the facts in a stress factor I to the other orders of government. The substance of the debate is not joining the intergovernmental arena , but in the way subordinate incorporation (measured externally) , which is a contradiction with the principle of self-government. Thus, for local institutions are in federalism a boost to its development and on the other hand, given their subordinate position containment . Also, the other part of the problem is the pressure to incorporate local governments in the content of the federal pact , as founding institutional actor , which , by simply increasing the number of actors , would render the complexity of administering a system federal . Now, it is clear that the discussions above are not without options: between federal model assumptions is its ability to manage the stresses of your structure , giving an output void multiply away from institutional resources through intergovernmental agreements . The mission of these agreements and their rules is precisely manage these tensions , creating constructive alternatives and oppressive . This example can then be seen that federalism can generate relationships negative among their concepts , although there are factors leading to its nullification , they are part of normal playback and occupy a subordinate position. Thus, the most difficult part is not from federalism tensions between essential concepts , but the complexity of variables which influence its empirical dynamics , ie federalism as imperfect. In this case , the positive relationships between concepts are necessarily nuanced or even subordinate by other variables , which in fact can achieve the ability to question the model itself . For specific federalisms nothing more influence on their distortions , major or minor , that national political systems , which thus can be the foundation of your strength or , on the contrary , constitute their flimsy pillars. This is due to the highly political nature of federalism. As already argued , one of the essential contents of federalism lies in being a structure that organizes the state and political power , which guarantees federated self-government parties and their ability to participate permanently in the integration of the will general. With this assumption , if the case refers us to a political system that concentrates power facts on a national apex , if your content is authoritative and if, in addition , the federated party will not have the ability to integrate ( formed ) effectively , and to express in the national whole , obviously that this is a state that has lost its federal essence (if they had it ) . Under these conditions , federalism ends up being (or continue to be ) a mere legal formality , lacking institutional and political content that reality. For this reason , it is worth to stress that in political systems , in its rules , institutions and actors , lies the central part of the dynamism and health of a federal system , so its elements require a minimum base of support the nature of the federal state. If this basic minimum is not met , the imperfection of federalism can become concrete in the negation of the essence . In the same plane of the variables that have the ability to distort federalism , if they do not have the appropriate content , they are, on the one hand , the full force of the law , which includes the legal boundedness of all forms of authority, and not only as a nominal exercise , but as a fully established institutional practice : no rule of law that no federal agreement is in effect . On the other hand , in the scenario of social awareness is another factor that may contribute negatively to the effectiveness of a federal system : the weak presence of a civic culture , unable to recognize the political values of plurality , diversity, tolerance and respect for minorities, especially when it comes to ethnically or linguistically heterogeneous societies . In these circumstances , the relationship between majority and minority inclusive , of any kind, would be able to cancel one of the essential parts of the system, which is the recognition , respect and integration into the collective whole of each of the parties federated on equal terms . Finally , among contemporary factors that contribute to the imperfection of federalism is the very process of the state, from a global perspective . In this framework , both can move impulsively toward concentration of power and government functions in national institutions , motivated by economic crises , for example , as directed in the opposite direction , thereby generating gaps and weaknesses in the federated and local governments, due to rapid restructuring of national governments . In one way or another , the dynamics of federal systems can be severely affected , especially when the evaluation is done in the short term. In the first case , because it tends to cancel the dual structure of organization of the State , in the second , because the system loses efficiency and coordination , even for a given period. With all the above variants that affect the imperfection of real federalism , reflected in its centralizing or decentralizing dynamic oscillating or nominal presence when the model is subjected by strong inertia concentrating power , federalism remains part of our contemporary world. Moreover, its principles arise i ; progressively as an alternative for the regulation of modern international relations between nation states and even to the formation of supranational bodies . Its flexibility allowed by its structure and its dynamic, guided by its principles : politicians , have allowed to survive over several centuries . It is no coincidence that even now, in our time, we find examples of federal states that propagate a renewed federalism or a new federalism with the vitality of youth societies , though in some cases it is stale federalism . From our perspective, these examples are symptomatic of the validity of the model and , at the same time , its extraordinary flexibility and adaptability, will surely continue to influence its principles in the organization of power , of the States and of the relationships between are rapidly redefining them as part of the global society . bibliography Jordi Borja and Manuel Castells , Local and Global . The gesti6n of cities in the age of infonnaci6n , Madrid , Taurus , 1997 . Croisat , Maurice , federalism in contemporary democracies , Barcelona , Editorial Making, 1994 . De Swaan , Abram , Borne by the State , Barcelona , Ediciones Pomares -Runner , 1992 . Dickerson , Mark O. , Whose North? Political Change , Political Development, and Self -Government in the Northwest Territories, Vancouver , UBC Press, 1992 . Elazar , Daniel J. , Exploring Federalism , Barcelona , Editorial Making, 1990 . Encyclopedia Britannica , ed. 1997. Grodzins , Morton , The American System in Classics of Public Administration, Jay M. Shafritz and Albert C. Hyde (eds.), Be1tmont , California, Wadsworth Publishing Co. , 3rd . ed. , 1992. David Held , Democracy , the Nation -State and the Global System in Political Theory Today , Stanford , Stanford University Press , 1991 , pp . 197-235 . David Held , Democracy and the Global Order . The modern state to cosmopolitan governance , Cambridge, Polity Press , 1997 . Lijphart , Arendt , Democracies : Patterns of Majoritarian and Consensus Government in Twentyone Countries, New Haven , Yale University Press , 1984 . Mouskheli , M. , Legal Theory federal State , Mexico , National Editor , 1981 . Nieto Solis, Jose A. , Fundamentals and pol ( policies of the European Uni6n , Madrid , Siglo XXI , 1995 . Randall , Stephen and Roger Gibbins , Federalism and the New World Order , Calgary, University of Calgary Press, 1994. Stewart , WH , Concepts of Federalism , Boston , University Press of American Books , 1984 . About the Author He holds a degree in Sociology from the Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana. It also has a masters degree and is a doctoral candidate in Social Sciences with a major in Sociology from the College of Mexico . He has published several books and has been a contributor to various newspapers . He has served as head of the Department of Policy and Development Studies at the Regional Center for Multidisciplinary Research on Society and Culture at the National Autonomous University of Mexico , professor and researcher at the School of Political Science and Public Administration and Sociology at the University Autónoma de Coahuila , and director of the Northern Border academic journal . Currently Director of the Research Department of Public Administration at the College of the Northern Border . He has published several books about politics and democratic transition from local include: Frontera Norte , a decade of electoral politics ( 1992), Baja California , 1989-1992 : political change and democratic transition (1993 ), The municipality and social development of the northern border ( 1995 , in coordination ) ; Municipalities in transition. Stakeholders and new government policies (1995 , coordinator ) .
Posted on: Wed, 16 Oct 2013 22:00:14 +0000
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