English translation, approximate: Interview with Louisa Hanoune El Watan (excerpts) You have often criticized governments that have succeeded, but never Bouteflika. So that some see an ambiguity in your relationship with power. What do you tell them? These are ideological positions from political activists short of arguments (...). During the first term of Abdelaziz Bouteflika, if there is a party that fought - and not just criticized, because we are not in criticism, but in the fight - its economic and social program, it is PT. We voted against, alerted, mobilized. So we fought the law on hydrocarbons Chakib Khelil (Minister of Energy - Ed) in 2005, the privatization that Abdelhamid Temmar (Minister of Reforms - Ed) was implementing, etc.. Of course, it was the orientation program Bouteflika. (...) Why do not you acknowledge you and these some, its Abdelaziz Bouteflika has changed policy, not the TP? It is he who has corrected its position on Tamazight (Berber language-Ed), its economic orientation, which has re-nationalized, after denationalization, the mines in 2001 and oil in 2005, which recognized the failure of privatization and partnership with foreign countries in 2008, and in the CFL (additional finance laws - Ed) 2009 and 2010, has made very important patches, which correspond to our struggles. And this is why we have supported. (...) If the PT presented a presidential candidate in 2004, 2009 and 2014 and if already in 1999, it did not support the candidature of Bouteflika, (...) it is a proof of independence. (...) You stand in opposition or on the periphery of power? What do you mean by the periphery of power? Because this is a new concept for classifying political parties, which is strange. First, what is the opposition? Weve heard the parties say, We are in government but we are also years in opposition. There are those who strongly agree with the governments policy, but asgovernment did not offer them portfolios, they claim to be opponents. But that is not the opposition! If we were, as you say, on the outskirts of power, we would have simply agreed to the government. We had proposed several times. But we refused because we can not be in a sort of patchwork, a government in which there is everything and its opposite. In which there are ministers who are to sovereignty, others for the dependence on the outside. (...) Do you not fear to go in the same direction as the power that makes stability a new religion? Rather, we are reassured that the state cares about the stability and sovereignty. Should it not be responsible? For, is that yes or no, there the fire around us? On 6,500 kilometers of border, we are not surrounded by volcanoes, by process of disintegration of nations? The Algerian press relayed extremely serious information establishing that our country is directly targeted, evoking the strengthening of the U.S. Marine base in Moron de la Frontera, Seville, and Air Station Sigonella, Sicily. And according to reports and statements of U.S. officials is in preparation for a military intervention in North Africa. (...) Lorsquéclate a youth movement who legitimately claim a job, American NGOs are trying to infiltrate to divert their goals and transform their nature into a kind of Arab Spring. The evidence is there. (...) There has been a revolution in Tunisia, there has been a revolutionary process in Egypt that has been diverted from its natural course. But neither in Libya or Syria or elsewhere, has there been a revolution. (...) The plan of the Great American Middle East announced the partition of all countries from Pakistan to Mauritania, on ethnic, religious communitarian bases,. You have to be blind not to see that Ghardaia, it tries to draw against each other on sectarian bases, two components that have lived together for centuries. As they tried, in a very recent past, to manipulate Touareg in extreme southern Algeria. (...) Regarding the economy, are you a model partisan 100% state or do you think a specific model to Algeria as develop some candidates, liberal, but considering the history of socialist countries is possible? The liberal option you mention unfortunately already been experienced in our country, producing lethal and dramatic socio-economic and political plans. This is the implementation of the structural adjustment program of the IMF which has led to the closure of hundreds of public enterprises and the elimination of hundreds of thousands of jobs. (...) Socialism means the collective ownership of the means of production. It is our strategic goal. In the meantime, we are for genuine agrarian reform, for the existence of a strong public sector, for large companies, for heavy industry that allows the existence of SMEs, with a non-parasitic private sector, productive, complementary. Im not talking about oil and mining, strategic sectors, which should be inalienable. In our program, we are voting not only for conservation, but for the strengthening of Article 17 of the Constitution which defines the collective property of the nation. This implies that decisions and laws that are contrary to Article 17 shall be repealed and that the companies were sold off to be re-nationalized, at least 51%. We stand for the strengthening of national production by freezing the Association Agreement with the European Union that has devastated our agriculture and industry, which everyone acknowledges is bad for our country, the output of the Greater Arab Free Trade Agreement, the non-entry into the WTO (...). Would you return to your meeting with Ahmed Salah Gaïd (Deputy Minister of National Defence, Chief of Staff of the National Peoples Army - Ed) and the Prime Minister? (...) I am surprised that some commentators are abnormal I address the institutions of the Republic, the Vice-Minister of Defense, I am received, therefore, a department, a member of the government. But recognize that these are only the Chief of Staff. Before a dangerous regional context to threats of destabilization of the army, what would it be detrimental to democracy to meet one who is responsible for the security of the country? Yes, I see Algerian officials. I work sessions with ministers as a member whenever necessary. I see the President when I can, I see the Prime Minister, I have the phone regularly, I spoke with him about serious events such as Ghardaia, the teachers strike, the need to find a way positive because their claims are legitimate. (...) Until the advent of socialism, we are aware that the existence of a national state, whatever its nature, is a condition for the existence of a nation. No State, without territorial unity, without welded culture and people or more languages, there can be no nation. So we defend the existence of the Algerian state, sovereignty, whatever its nature. But we are fighting to change its nature. That is why I am a candidate with such a proposal, the advent of the Second Republic. That is to say, a constitutional reform background, combining the Algerian people in a democratic debate. In this context, for us, the true democracy implies a true equalization system, a true regional balance, real equality between women and men equal access of all citizens to public services, rights. Which involves the repeal of the Family Code to release all female potential and there. We are for a single chamber, a real genuine Assembly composed of elected officials, revocable, to be the emanation of the will of the people. If I were elected president, I would restore free speech to the Algerian people, that defines the form and content of the institutions it needs to exercise its sovereignty, whether in a constituent process if political conditions are met, otherwise by opening a general debate on constitutional reform.
Posted on: Wed, 19 Mar 2014 02:31:55 +0000
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