REVIEWING GOVERNANCE IN TIMES OF GREAT STRUGGLE FOR POLITICAL POWER, EMPIRE WITHIN THE DEMOCRATIC PERSPECTIVE Scholars often debate the future of modern democratic system of nation-states, but rarely do they study its origins. This groundbreaking research of Brainstorm Associates ongoing Leadership in Community Development Project 2014, Brainstorm Leadership Academy, Nigeria provides a sweeping reinterpretation of the religious and geopolitical conflicts far back seventheen century, culminating in the emergence of the European state system as dynamic processes to our present innovative ages. The struggle of Empires recreates the various wars fought between and among the European powers as they attempted to become the dominant force in Europe and the rest of the world during the eighteenth century. They build armies and fleets, make alliances, establish colonies which continue to improve our economic might and may ultimately wage war to expand our empire. Struggle of Empires has one of the best alliance mechanics/systems ever created for a board-game and is rated among the top 20% of all board-games rated on board-game-geek of goverance across the globe. Like considering political realism, its believes that politics, like society in general, is governed by objective laws that have their roots in human nature. In order to improve society it is first necessary to understand the laws by which society lives. The operation of these laws being impervious to our preferences, men will challenge them only at the risk of failure. In Nigeria, Northern and Southern Nigeria, “amalgamated” by British officials into one colony in 1914, have widely different histories. The North, like Nigeria as a whole, has remarkable ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity – including within Islam. For example, much of present-day Northern Nigeria was ruled in the nineteenth century, prior to colonial rule, by the Sokoto Caliphate, a Muslim empire whose seat was in the far Northwest. But Northeastern Nigeria, the base of Boko Haram today, was under the control of a different Muslim empire, Kanem-Bornu. During the early years of the Sokoto Caliphate, the rulers of these different empires came into conflict militarily and doctrinally, with Sokoto’s leaders criticizing the practice of Islam in Kanem-Bornu and the latter’s rulers refusing to submit to Sokoto’s authority. With Ramadan in our mind, these events inform the present structures of religious and political power in Northern Nigeria. A Sultan still sits in Sokoto, and his lieutenants, the Emirs, have retained their offices in many of the most important territories of the North, such as Kano. A Shehu (sheikh) still sits in Borno. All of these leaders exercise some degree of political and religious influence, but the distribution of power between the North’s regions remains unequal: the Northeast ranks below the Northwest both symbolically (the Shehu of Borno is second to the Sultan of Sokoto in the Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs, established in 1974) and in terms of political power: when the North has produced national politicians, they have primarily come from former territories of the Sokoto Caliphate. Political and historical differences are mirrored by ethnic ones: although the Hausa language is found throughout Northern Nigeria, the people of the Northeast are not ethnically Hausa, but rather Kanuri and other groups. Today, balance of power is a widely used concept in international relations, one whose importance in the understanding of the political dynamics in multi-ethnic states has been undervalued due to the limitations in the interpretations of its meanings. The basic theme of the balance of power theory is that the international system is anarchical in the absence of a common government and goals. The management of this anarchy is based on the power relations among states. However, within the state democratic system - which is presumed to be non-anarchical, the integrated society is managed by a strong consensus, hence, there is no need to balance power. The underlining principle of the balance of power concept is that, the pursuit of power is the common denominator to which all foreign policy can be reduced, and the notion that any preponderant power will always be a menace to the interest and security of other states. The concept of Balance of power could be applied to Nigerias internal politics, because Nigeria is a state of nationalities but not a nation of individuals. In which case, balancing for survival within the states internal system is as important as the balancing between states in the international system. The Nigerian state system is in crisis because the northern group of nationalities - under the leadership of the Hausa-Fulani nation - enjoys an over-balance of political power, which it has used to threaten the security of other nations and nationalities within the system. The result is the wide gap between fact and value, based on the assumption that what is good for the Northern Nigerians is good for Southern Nigeria. Balance of power implies an objective arrangement in which there is relatively widespread satisfaction with the distribution of power, so that no one actor or a group of actors can hold others to ransom with impunity. As a review of Nigeria political parties policy guide, it prescribes that structures should be put into place that can reverse or deter any actor from seeking to enjoy over-balanced power. The need to balance power could lead to war, but this is not to say that balance of power is the cause of wars. The cause of wars can be found in the fundamental issues, which the balance of power seeks to remove. This includes: The need to prevent the establishment of a universal hegemony; to preserve the constituent elements of the system and the system itself; the need to ensure stability and mutual security in the international system; and to strengthen peace by deterring a policy of expansion by any aggressor. The traditional methods and techniques of maintaining or restoring the balance were: the policy of divide and rule (working to diminish the weight of the heavier side); territorial compensations after a war; creation of buffer states; the formation of alliances; spheres of influence; intervention; diplomatic bargaining; legal and peaceful settlement of disputes; reduction of armaments; armaments competition; and war itself. Pre-colonial existence of balance of power in West Africa Balance of power is not necessarily a new phenomenon in the relationship between the many nationalities that were members of the West African political constellation, some of which later constituted the modern Nigerian State. This balance of power struggle exists independently of internal class problems. Before the arrival of the British colonial government, the geographical area was made up of many nationalities, among which between 250-350 were later brought together to constitute the current Nigerian state. The area was naturally going through the process of enlarged communities and people moved across ethnic boundaries to maximise threats. The Fulanis were involved in balance of power struggles with the Hausas; the Hausa-Fulani were involved in balance of power struggles with the Yorubas, the Kanuri, and numerous nationalities in the Middle Belt area. The Yorubas were involved in similar struggles with the Dahomeys (now Republic of Benin), Benin and Nupe nationalities. The Igbos too were engaged in a balance of power tussle against Benin, Igala, Efik Kingdom and some other nationalities. None of the actors was able to enjoy over- balanced power, and there was no consciousness to bring about a Nigerian nation-state. Fulani expansion was arrested militarily in the north-east by the Kanuri of Bornu, and in the south-west by the Yoruba; while in the south-east, impenetrable terrain barred the Fulani-mounted cavalry. The balance of power changed in character, intensity and scope when the British metropolitan powers disturbed the local balancing system and imposed an Hausa-Fulani hegemony on the remaining nationalities. The pre-colonial balancing system was seen to be fair because there was no outside interference - what each actor was able to gain or lose was influenced by its power and its diplomatic skills at making alliances. In large parts of West Africa, before partition of the region among European powers, international relations in peace and war were carried on in a more or less recognisable fashion, and, to go a little further, in a coherent and rational manner which showed itself capable under favourable conditions leading to political, economic and technical improvements in sociality. The accuracy of this observation is supported by the fact that almost all the major crisis that has fundamentally affected the security of the Nigerian State can be traced to her balance of power problems. These include the delay in Nigerian independence in order to persuade the north from seceding from the federation; the treasonable felony charges against Chief Awolowo and his colleagues, their detentions without charge and later, their imprisonment. The Akintola crisis in the old Western Region, the January and July 1966 military coups, the creation of the first 12 states, and the civil war are not unconnected with Nigerias balance of power problems. However, in order to conform to the assumptions of the balance of power concept - that there could be no balance of power struggle within a state system - the crises within the Nigerian state are either normally associated with problems of class, religion, lack of transparent practices of democracy, military rule, corruption, ethnicity, tribalism, inadequate education and poor infrastructure. But, it could not be a balance of power problem - because the balance of power theory does not prescribe it as possible. The balance of power concept as it is interpreted does not recognise the existence of a balance of power struggle within the original Nigerian State. But it later recognised its existence between the independent Nigerian states after it had been broken up because of the same balance of power crisis which has now taken a nuclear dimension between the original Nigeria and Niger Delta states. The concept also did not recognise the existence of balance of power in the former First Republic of Nigeria, until it was broken up into many independent states. Therefore, Realism, believing as it does in the objectivity of the laws of politics, must also believe in the possibility of developing a rational theory that reflects, however imperfectly and one-sidedly, these objective laws. It believes also, then, in the possibility of distinguishing in politics between truth and opinion-between what is true objectively and rationally, supported by evidence and illuminated by reason, and what is only a subjective judgment, divorced from the facts as they are and informed by prejudice and wishful thinking. Human nature, in which the laws of politics have their roots, has not changed since the classical philosophies of other developed countries like, China, India, and Greece that endeavored to discover these laws. Hence, novelty is not necessarily a virtue in political theory, nor is old age a defect. The fact that a theory of politics, if there be such a theory, has never been heard of before tends to create a presumption against, rather than in favor of, its soundness. Conversely, the fact that a theory of politics was developed hundreds or even thousands of years was the theory of the balance of power-does not creates a presumption that it must be outmoded and obsolete. A theory of politics must be subjected to the dual test of reason and experience. To dismiss such a theory because it had its flowering in centuries past is to present not a rational argument but a modernistic prejudice that takes for granted the superiority of the present over the past. To dispose of the revival of such a theory as a fashion or fad is tantamount to assuming that in matters political we can have opinions but no truths. Consequently, when the world pushes us to our knees, we have found the best position for praying. True happiness does not consist of living in a world; where everything is already perfect and beautiful, but grows from the ability to look. Beyond the imperfections of our democratic world, showcase the ends of our noses towards the higher purpose of life. Hereto, democracy is a term regularly used in international relations, in newspapers, in political argument, and in current debates concerning globalisation. Without doubt it is indeed one of the most important concepts in the current assessment of the legitimacy of governments and the kind of prestige they have in the international system. Disguised behind all this, however, is the fact the term democracy itself is fiercely disputed and that several different types of democracy can discern behind this one word. Nor should be assume that democracy is equivalent to liberal democracy, nor necessarily entirely compatible with the demands of capitalism and the curbrent pattern of financial capitalism. However, human needs to be established before a country can be genuinely democratic, i.e. giving real power to the broad mass of people in fair or just way. Thus elections needed to contested with a genuine opposition and viable opposition parties, there needs to be a relatively open media, a relatively fair court system to avoid exclusion and unfair prosecution of political candidates, and the army has to be willing to accept the process and outcome of elections, even if a certain degree of political instability and unpredictable change is generated. Even under these conditions, it is possible that political elites will tend to dominate established political parties, leading to a self-serving political system in which the real needs and interests of many citizens can still be marginalized; a problem experienced, as we have seen, to some degree even in contemporary Brazil and Mexico, the good news is that over the last fifteen years democratic systems has made serious progress in many Nigerians states and even in countries for, e.g. Mexico, Chile and Argentina. The bad news is that the full package needed to support deeply democratic societies that are also stable has not yet been forged across the hemisphere. We demonstrated this research through a brief assessment of Chile and Argentina, at a deeper level, a democratic country needs not just a democratic procedure, but a range of democratic institutions, a generally democratic culture that is willing to accept opposition and debate, and probably the beginnings of a viable civil society if it is to sustain a balanced democratic system and this means we need to study democratic transition within its economic, cultural and developmental context in Africa Continent . Obviously, these claims in favour of democracy in the international system are now partially disputed by International Roundtable Education and Research Foundation-Corporation, and include: - 1) Claims that democracy are fairer (more just) societies and support human rights more effectively, but this may require certain legal and developmental conditions. Note here that democratic governance may have fairer political systems than before, but due to economic and social crises have severe limitations in how far they can actively support and sustain political and social rights. 2) Democracies are sometimes viewed as more compatible with capitalism and market economies, itself viewed as a form of economic democracy (i.e. enhancing economic and consumer choices). From this point of view, such countries may be more likely to open their borders to trade and electoral reform policies. However, democracies impose limits on elite decision making, and allow a strong critique of market capitalism, e.g. in India. Furthermore, extremely rapid economic opening may tend to destabilize new democracies and create severe social problems, e.g. increasing levels of poverty in Nigeria. Simultaneous transition to market economies and democratic systems can lead to political collapse, as almost happened with insecurity issue presently in Nigeria. 3) In a line of thought going back to Immanuel Kants essay Perpetual Peace, democratic peace theory suggests that democratic states are unlikely to go to war with each other. On this basis, an entirely democratic Nigeria would also be internationally very stable. This theory, once regarded as a truism in international relations, has begun to be challenged in certain. States which are in transition to democracy sometimes experience high levels of nationalism, and unresolved historical claims can sometimes be brought into play politically in discontented states, e.g. in some parts of the Northern and Western Nigeria where procedural (but otherwise very limited) democracies exist. Democratic states have less internal pressures or domestic benefits from adventurist wars, but may still compete with other democracies economically and diplomatically, and where real interests are at stake might clash violently. Likewise, the democratic peace theory does not deal adequately deal with revolutionary wars, nor civil wars, which are sometimes fought out over differing shades of democratic representation or national self-determination. 4) In general terms, democracies may allow greater rights to women and allow their fuller participation in society. In Latin America there were major social constraints to this. They included the culture of male machismo whereby male virtues such as aggression, assertiveness, and protection of honour were highly. Furthermore, the female stereotype of marianismo (named after the Virgin Mary) tended to exalt notions of propriety, humility, sacrifice, and the role of mothers, thereby also presenting a certain social barrier. However, female suffrage came somewhat late to Latin America, with most states giving women the vote between 1929 and 1961. Since this time, however, women have taken on major political roles, as leaders, activists in community organisations, and as those willing to protest crimes conducted by the northern political leaders. In Nigeria, the gains of these efforts include increasing consideration of issues of gender and womens rights in the development agenda and the emergence and intensification of women development advocacy. However, while these efforts have increased momentum and popular glamour for social transformation and gender equality, they are still far from being translated into meaningful improvement in the socio-economic condition of women in the country. This sordid circumstance has been blamed on womens poor participation in political decision making. As Brainstorm Associates cogently argued in our innovative aged that, it is only when significant proportion of women hold public offices and are given opportunities to initiate, mould and execute public policy and legislation, can they begin to effectively address the other problems faced by women. After many years of struggle for suffrage, Nigerian women are still far from gaining significant visibility at any level of the political system. Womens under-representation in Nigerian politics stands in contra-position to sustained and increasing advocacy campaign seeking to bolster their participation in politics and decision making. In addition, the systematic exclusion of women from politics and decision making in Nigeria is a denial of womens right with enormous attendant consequences for national development. Women constitute roughly half of the total population of Nigeria, and their under-representation in the political system translates into the exclusion of their critical contribution to policy making and implementation, particularly in tailoring development goals to the needs and concerns of the most disempowered groups in the society (women, children and the elderly). Consequently, when governments eloquently stress their commitment to empower women politically, the normal reaction is one of positive glee among women. This explains the widespread glamour for quotas and other concessions by women, particularly in the current political dispensation. Women and Youth Empowerment is a new language of political discourse in Nigeria, which on its face value responds to the long-standing demands of women for increased political representation. In practice, however, it has been given a restricted meaning and has been oriented to serve the interests of the male-dominated state. It is nearly impossible to achieve sustainable womens and Youth political empowerment under the existing political arrangements. When it is mediated by state-centered institutions and processes it has a serious political implication with MDGs goals. Among other things, it tends to co-opt women groups, curb their struggling power and capacity to carry on an autonomous campaign. To attain the goal of empowerment, existing structural constraints on womens capacity to participate meaningfully in politics must be removed. Women must mobilize outside the framework of global and state-centered politics and seek incremental access to strategic political positions, beginning at the local government level. This cannot be achieved through fragmented and sectional struggles. Therefore, women groups must unite under the leadership of visionary activists, and they must collaborate and network in order to share experiences and harmonize action plan for fast-tracking social transformation and gender equality in political decision making before its own goals are last with 2015 general election. Likewise, in modern thought, democracies should not only empower majority rule, but should also protect minority rights, human rights more generally, and individual liberties, i.e. we often speak of liberal democracies which balance these difference needs. At a deeper level, a democratic country needs not just a democratic procedure, but a range of democratic institutions, a generally democratic culture that is willing to accept opposition and debate, and probably the beginnings of a viable civil society if it is to sustain a balanced democratic system. Nigeria democracy has been preserved, with a bicameral legislature, an independent judiciary, and a formally free press. In 1999 reform of Constitutions, legislation eliminated the militarys formal political power, made it possible for the president to remove top military commanders, eliminated unelected seats in the senate, and limited presidential terms. Former President Rtr. General Olusegun Obasanjo- facilitated a reduction in gender discrimination and urged passage of legislation protecting the rights of the indigenous population. Now Nigerians believes democracy has to do with zoning. The principle of zoning and rotation of power is a philosophy of power sharing which is as old as man’s existence on earth and is believed to be older than democracy itself. It is on record that the system was practiced in Athens and Sparta in particular by the Greeks .The Roman Empire used it with great profit. Zoning and rotation principle is part of a democratic culture used to address the problems inherent in a polyglot society. It is another name for fair play, compromise and coexistence. It counters the negative impulse and tendency of a group of people to remain in office as long as possible and use the resources of the nation to service its narrow and parochial interests. It also offers itself as an antidote to a practice that engenders nepotism, promotes corruption and breeds inefficiency, which in turn stultifies growth and sustainable development. If power is allowed to systematically rotate between the various zones, the political space will not only widen, the process will definitely throw out capable leaders who can transform our country and move it to greater heights. The rotation principle on basis of zones would also strengthen loyalty to the nation because it would guarantee access to the highest offices of the land to all sections of the polity. But these cannot be realized if zoning and rotation does not make fairness, equity, and social justice the cardinal principle in which it is practiced. Zones must come as equals and take their turn on the basis of equality, accepting that what is good for the geese is also good for the gander. At the current level of our sociopolitical development, every patriotic Nigerian wants a country where things work. Zoning and Rotation if truthfully implemented will ensure a better Nigeria. The time may however, come when these considerations may matter less in our political considerations, when we will begin to think more of merit than ethnic or sectional origin. But this may wait until Nigeria becomes a nation state, bound by a chord outside “tribe and tongue”, by something stronger than our own brand of “brotherhood”. By then rotation and term limits may be considered anachronistic. Presently, a majority of Nigerians subscribe to zoning and rotation. Whatever divergent expressions seen in the political horizon are matters of personal opinion which is allowed in a democracy. We, of the African Youth Movement for Good governance seek Brainstorm Associates to join hands with us to review the principle of zoning and rotation because it is very critical for the sustainable political development of Nigeria, but its implementation must be based on equity, justice and fairness. The principle of zoning and rotation is not explicitly mentioned in the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, it can be said to be reflected in another principle known as Federal Character, enshrined in Section 13 (3) and (4) of the constitution and it states that: “The composition of the Government of the Federation, or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or in any of its agencies”. The Third Schedule, Part 1 of the constitution established a special commission- The Federal Character Commission as a federal agency for the implementation of the provisions of the Federal character. It is the duty of this Commission to monitor, promote and ensure compliance to this principle by all agencies of government including Ministries, departments and parastatals, the Armed Forces, Police, and Security Agencies. This principle also governs the conduct of the affairs in States and Local Government. This Principle has guided the conduct of the affairs by all organs of government of Nigeria and it is done in such a way that all sections of the country are represented in Government. Today, the appointment of Federal Permanent Secretaries is done in such a way as to ensure that all States have at least one Permanent Secretary. This is in compliance with the Federal Character Principle and it is same with the appointment of members of the Executive Council of the Federation or the appointment of Ambassadors or High Commissioners, Commissioners of the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Commission etc, where the President, Commander-in-Chief ensures that every state is represented by a Minister, an Ambassador/High Commissioner or a Federal Commissioner respectively. This strictly speaking is a form of zoning and rotation for equitable representation among the component units of the federation. In the Constitution also are States and Local Governments, Senatorial districts, Political Constituencies, Offices and Wards to facilitate the devolution of power to various segments of the polity. The essence is to ensure social justice and equality in the polity and to avoid the concentration of the power of representation in any one constituency be it the office of the Governor, Senate, Federal or State House. Over time this practice becomes an article of faith which binds the people together. It is like a conventional wisdom with similar intendment as the Federal Character Principle. This is not to say that the Federal Character principle has been judiciously applied in the distribution of power and the spoils of office in the country. But that is the subject for another paper. Nigeria, therefore, has all these time practiced the rotation principle which stricto sensu, makes every particular legislative, gubernatorial or even presidential seat to move round different zones of Nigeria and occupied in turn by persons from these zones. Zoning and rotation thus is not a novel idea, but a norm practiced over the years either as a convention or as a process of implementing the federal character principle. It is therefore an implied constitutional provision accepted by all segments of the Nigerian society. Nigerians have demonstrated that the principle of zoning and rotation is a critical principle for addressing cases of fear of domination, perceived marginalization and instability in the polity. So far this principle is yet to be enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. This has to be done as a matter of urgency. The fact on the ground is that Nigerians want a change of the status quo. Nigerians from the six geopolitical zones are favourably disposed to the adoption and implementation of a zoning and rotation principle that is equitable, in which every zone is an equal stakeholder, in which those who have not held the office of the President or have held it for a short period are allowed to do so before any other zone. Power belongs to the people quite alright. But it is God whom we all serve that made this possible. We must therefore respect his own zoning principle which is based on equity and justice. Henceforth, only then can the perfected and beautiful self; Nigerians who aspire to lead, should be perceived and dwells deep within everybody’s core. It makes no difference whether it’s already visible or not. Even by the lowest and meanest, It is merely waiting to be brought forth, The same as in you and me. Finding and developing is every soul’s…Highest potential and birthright...advocating for the development of our communities and our human right. Source: IRERF- Corporation.
Posted on: Fri, 11 Jul 2014 00:32:15 +0000
Trending Topics
Recently Viewed Topics
© 2015