梁錦祥 我在 故我被捕 I was there and therefore I was Arrested 梁錦祥作；曾焯文譯 (By Leung Kam Cheung; translated by Chapman Chen) 舊年十二月三十號，本土新聞總編輯梁錦祥先生踢保成功。 On 30th December, Mr. Leung Kam-cheung, Chief Editor of Local Press, refused to renew bail and was unconditionally released by the police. 這是一齣近乎卡夫卡式的荒謬劇：一名新聞工作者因為履行記者職責，在毫無犯罪證據、動機的情況下被捕。或許日後當老闆黎智英因被指「策劃」，「指揮」整個佔中運動而被捕，才有可能超越今次荒謬的程度。 This is an absurdist play that reminds one of Kafka’s works. A journalist was arrested without any evidence of criminality and without any identifiable mens rea, simply because he was carrying out his duties as a reporter. The absurdity of this event may not be surpassed in Hong Kong until Jimmy Lai, the boss of Appledaily, is arrested in the future for “planning” or “directing” the entire Occupy Central Movement. 2014年11月18日晚上10時46分，我收到同事whatsapp訊息，說較早時有示威者曾衝擊立法會大樓，我即問：「有沒有同事在現場(可作採訪)？」，同事答：「正在回家途中。」於是我便趕赴現場，希望補回事件經過的報道。 On 18 November 2014 at 22:46, I received a message from a colleague of mine that earlier on certain protestors had stormed the Legislative Council Building. I immediately asked, “Is there any colleague (to cover the news)?” “On his way home,” replied my colleague. I thus hurried to the scene with a view to reporting the incident. 11時20分左右，我到達金鐘。根據以往採訪的經驗，在周圍環境觀察一會，並用手機拍下照片後，便轉到立法大門的示威區。不久，部份示威者欲搬鐵馬全面封鎖立法會大門出口，但另一批示威者反對，雙方有輕微罵戰。(見本土新聞11月18日晚上11時42分梁錦祥現場報道) At around 23:20, I arrived in Admiralty. Based on my reporting experience, I first took a walk around the scene, made observations and took pictures with my mobile phone. Then I proceeded to the demonstration zone outside the main entrance to the Legco. Soon afterwards, some of the protestors wanted to move metal barricades in order to block the main entrance to the Legco. But that was objected to by another group of protestors. There was a brief dispute between the two sides. (See Leung Kam-cheung’s spot coverage , 23:44, 18th November.) 我必須指出，現時在報章刊登的照片，用來推斷我「策劃」，「指揮」後來的衝擊事件，拍攝時間應在此刻。換言之，照片的內容基本上與稍後的衝擊無直接關係，但卻成為我被捕的「證據」。 I have to point out that the picture published by the media, from which my allegedly “planning” and “directing” the subsequent crash is deduced, must have been taken at this moment. In other words, the content of the picture basically is not related in any direct way to the subsequent crash but it has become the “proof” on which my arrest is based. 事情稍為平息之後，我見立法會議員張超雄在附近，於是趨前作訪問，主要是問及他對不同策略和行動升級與否的問題。他明確表示，反對衝擊(見本土新聞11月18日23時54分梁錦祥報道)。 When the situation subsided a little, I saw Fernando, Cheung Chiu-hung, Legco member. So I went forward and interviewed him. I mainly asked him about his view on different strategies and whether the action should be escalated. He clearly indicated that he objected to any crash (see Leung Kam-cheung’s spot coverage, 23:45, 18th November). 我之所以強調這篇報道，是想指出，如果我真的是要「策劃」當晚的衝擊，並沒有理由進行這個訪問，如實地刊出一位知名人士表達反對衝擊的立場。 The reason why I emphasize this report is that I wish to point that if I really wanted to “plan” the crash on that night, there was no reason why I should carry out that interview and made the report, which truthfully indicated a celebrity’s stance against storming (the Legco). 做了幾個較短的訪問和報道，我轉到海富中心對面，天橋底的地方，那時有數十名示威者抗議大會「糾察」。有關過程毋須重覆，重點是當時另一位立法會議員梁國雄正在和這些示威者激烈辯論「大台」以至「糾察」的存廢問題。(見本土新聞11月19日零時49 分 梁錦祥報道) After doing a couple of short interviews and making a few reports, I went to the Admiralty Centre. Under the flyover, there were several dozens of protestors protesting against the “pickets” of the assembly. There is no need to repeat the entire process, sufficient to mention that Leung Kwok-hung, another Legco member, was vigorously arguing with these protestors about whether the “main forum” and the “pickets” should be abolished or not. (See Leung Kam-cheung’s spot coverage, 00:49, 19th November). 到了辯論末段，我感覺氣氛減弱，而且有部份示威者離去，方向是立法會示威區，當時估計，留在原地應無新的報道可做，於是便尾隨這批示威者，當時我並未與他們談話，亦不知他們將會有甚麼行動，以至行動的目的。 Towards the end of the debate, feeling that the atmosphere was fading and witnessing part of the protestors departing in the direction of the demonstration zone of the Legco, I decided that there would be no news to report. So I followed those departing protestors. At that time, I did not talk with them, nor did I know what kind of action they were going to take and what the purpose of their action might be. 至於稍後的事，則是「眾所周知」的立法會衝擊事件，我當時的報道，可見於本土新聞當晚的滾動新聞。而我在現場採訪時被其他人拍下的照片（胸前掛著記者證）則諷刺地又成為「舉證」的物件。 What happened subsequently was the well-known crash of the glass window of the Legco building. My spot report can be found amidst the rolling news reports of Local Press as published that night. The picture which someone took of me at the scene while I was covering news there (with my press card hanging in front of my chest) has again ironically become “evidence” of my alleged crime. 我與衝擊的距離如此接近，原因簡單不過：二戰時著名攝影記者Robert Capa有一句名言：「如果你拍得不夠好，只因為你站得不夠近。」 Why I was then so close to the spot of the crash is simply because “If your pictures aren’t good enough, you’re not close enough”, the golden quote of the WWII reporter Robert Capa. 我和其他在場的同工一樣，只能在不傷害自己和其他人身體情況，靠近新聞焦點。當然，大家從照片和錄影可見，有其他記者比我站得更近，我很慶幸他們沒有跟我一樣被檢控。 Like the other reporters working at the scene, I could only draw near the news focus as far as myself and other’s bodies were not in danger. Of course, from the pictures and videos, it can be clearly seen that there were other reporters who stood closer to the news focus than I. I am glad that they were not prosecuted like me. 11月19日下午，DBC數碼電台和《明報》記者分別就網上照片及傳言致電查詢，我明確地向他們表示，我在衝擊現場整個過程中，都是在履行我的記者職責，並無「指揮」、「策劃」任何衝擊行動。 On the afternoon of 19 November, reporters of DBC and Mingpao respectively called me up in relation to the pictures and rumours spread on the net. I clearly indicated to them that I only carried out my duties as a reporter during the entire course of the crash, that I never “directed” or “planned” any crash action. 處於目前香港的政治形勢，我亦同時預料這些傳言和報道，有可能成為日後一些法律滋擾的借口。於是當晚即與上司交代了事情，好讓報社對可能發生的事情有心理準備。 In view of the current political situation of Hong Kong, I then sensed that these rumours might one day become the pretext of legal nuisance. So on the same night I explained the entire matter to my boss in order that Local Press would be psychologically prepared for what might happen. 11月20日下午，我在報社樓下被捕。順帶一提，當我被捕後，無法與外界通訊，報社根據我與上司的談話，以為我的檢控罪名是「策劃」，「指揮」衝擊，結果發佈的消息有所偏差。我的具體「涉嫌罪行」是「刑事毀壞」立法會玻璃大門。 On the afternoon of 20th November, I was arrested on the ground floor of the building in which the office of Local Press was located. After my arrest, I was unable to communicate with outside. As a consequence, based on the conversation between me and my boss, Local Press thought that I was arrested for “planning” and “directing” the crash and the news published somewhat deviated from the reality. My suspected crime was actually “criminal damage” of the glass door of the Legco. 我必須指出，在整個被捕過程中，前線警務人員尚算有禮貌，亦不帶偏見。我想他們是希望我相信，他們會「秉公辦理」。但我不能從我個人的經驗推斷，其他被捕人士有相同情況。我甚至懷疑，在一個扭曲了的司法制度下，無論前線人員如何盡力堅持一點點的「專業操守」，公義會否得到彰顯？市民的基本權利將如何被踐踏？一年之後，香港會變成怎樣？十年之後又如何？我不敢想像。 I have to point out that during the entire course of arrest, the frontline police officers were more or less polite and non-prejudiced. I guess that they wanted me to believe that they would handle the matter impartially and according to law. But I cannot infer from my personal experience that other arrested persons have been dealt with similarly. I even doubt that justice can be seen to be done in a twisted legal system, no matter how hard the frontline officers try to maintain a little bit of “professional ethics”. I dare not imagine how hard the basic rights of Hong Kong citizens will be trampled upon. What will Hong Kong become one year later? How about ten years later? 至於所謂「篤灰」問題，老實說，我由始至終無興趣追問。放眼互聯網世界，這樣陰謀論式的推斷，彼彼皆是，問題是，司法機關在基本上無任何實質證據作出檢控，任意拘捕，我個人認為已屬於「政治檢控」的範疇。 As for the question of who sold me up, frankly, I have never been interested to pursue it. In the net world, there are conspiracy theories everywhere. The problem is that when the law enforcement authorities arrest and charge people without any concrete proof, it is already political prosecution, from my point of view. 至於「策劃」，「指揮」，則明顯不是法律上可以用來檢控的罪名。或許有人會質疑，當記者採訪時也可同時進行上述行為！若是如此，則有嫌疑的不應只是我一人，還有其他在場，甚至比我站得更前的同工。 As for “planning” and “directing”, they apparently are not legally feasible charges. Maybe some people would say that a journalist can do the things above even while they are covering news! If that is true, then I should not be the only suspect. There are other reporters that were present and that stood even closer to the Legco door than me. 當然，歸根到底，之所以是我而不是其他人，和我在網台的政治評論有莫大關係。甚至可以說是guilt by association，而我是collateral damage。 Of course, in the final analysis, why it was me instead of anybody else is closely connected with my political comments made in my net programmes. It may even be said to be guilt by association and I am a victim of collateral damage. 因此，儘管整件事是如此的荒謬，我還是可以在其中尋找出一些「理性」：時至今日，香港已非昔日的香港，「遊戲規律」出現根本改變。處於這個巨變中，一直和平理性的新聞界，甚至學術界也不能獨善其身。又或許阿Q精神地設想，雨傘革命的威力太大，這個政權不得不作出這樣的鎮壓，否則它不會繼續存在。 Thus, although the entire matter is so absurd, I can still draw some sort of “reasoning” from it. Hong Kong now is already very different from the past; the rules of the game have apparently undergone fundamental changes. Caught in this radical change, the news media and even the academy, both of which have been all along “peaceful and rational”, can no longer care about their own good only. From a self-consolatory point of view, the Umbrella Revolution may be so powerful that this regime cannot but suppress it in this way. Otherwise, it will cease to exist. 因此，我不會視今次事件為新聞界(或者再收窄一點，是非主流媒體）的獨有問題，因為這是整個城市現時面對前所未有的挑戰。為此，我由被捕至今，從未想過要向相關組織求助，因為即使大家再繼續高呼:「香港新聞界最黑暗的一天」，也不能解決現在的問題，或者再防止有新聞工作者在執行正常職務時被無理拘捕，甚至遇襲。 Thus, I will not regard this incident as a unique, single problem of the news media (or, to be more exact, non-mainstream media). Because this is an unprecedented challenge faced by the whole city. As a result, ever since my arrest, I have never thought of seeking help from the related association. Even if we continue to shout, “This is the darkest day of Hong Kong news media,” the problems of today cannot be solved. Not can we thereby prevent unjustified arrests and even assaults of news workers when they are carrying out their duties. 雖然我花了這些筆墨去敍述自己的遭遇，但我無意無限放大自己的問題，因為我知道，還有更多「無名無姓」的朋友在今次雨傘革命中遇到更不合理的對待，甚至被毆致重傷。 Although I have written quite a few words to mention my own experience, I have no intention to indefinitely magnify my personal trouble. For I know that in the Umbrella Revolution, there are many many “nameless” people who have met with even more unreasonable treatments, including assaults causing grievous bodily harm. 說到底，這是一場每一個香港人不能迴避的挑戰，要討回公道，要彰顯公義，所有香港人都要義無反顧地去爭取一個能夠保障香港人基本利益、以至生存權利的民主制度，一個能夠制約、監察正在無限膨脹，擁有國家鎮壓機器的公權力的民主制度，否則這只會是一個奴隸城市。 Ultimately, this is a challenge which no Hongkongers could possibly avoid. In order to get even, in order to uphold justice, every Hongkonger is obliged to strive for a democratic system that can protect the basic interests and right to survival of Hong Kong people, a democratic system that can restrain and monitor the ever expanding public authorities, which are equipped with suppression apparatuses of the State. Otherwise, Hong Kong is just a city of slaves.
Posted on: Thu, 01 Jan 2015 13:24:08 +0000
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